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Changing Political, Social Attitudes of Chinese Workers:
Surveys of Chinese Workers since 1982

               by An Yunqi

     What are the actual conditions in the Chinese workers' outlook
on life and their world outlook? What kind of changes have taken
place at a time when China is marching towards a socialist market
economy? Are these conditions and changes positive or negative? Are
they conducive to social progress or not? How do we treat them?
 
First of all, let us examine the several surveys conducted since
1982 on what our workers have in mind. 

Between March and mid-April 1982, the Office for Research under the
Secretariat of the CPC Central Committee and the All China
Federation of Trade Unions conducted a relatively extensive and
more systematic survey since the founding of New China on the
situation among our workers. This survey involved 270,000 workers. 
Data compiled from this survey showed the following results:
 
In the 16,733 valid written replies on the questionnaires, 29
percent of the respondents said that their loftiest ideal was to
"realize Communism," ranking first; 22 percent of them replied
"make the motherland powerful," ranking second; 18.9 percent of
them replied "achieve the four modernizations," ranking third; 8
percent of them replied "be a good worker and good cadre," ranking
fourth; 5.4 percent of them replied "have a happy family," ranking
fifth; 5.1 percent of them replied "work hard to earn more money,"
ranking sixth; 5 percent of them replied "have a good job," ranking
seventh. Only 1.1 percent of them replied "make our factory more
reputable, ranking 11th on the list. They were behind those who
replied "others," "gain both fame and wealth and lead a comfortable
life," and "unknown." Only 1 percent of the respondents replied
"find a pretty wife." They ranked 12th and found themselves at the
bottom of the list.

In this group of data, if those who replied "making the
motherland powerful" are combined with those who replied
"achieve the four modernizations," they account for 40.9
percent of the total respondents, 11.9 percent more than
those who replied "realize Communism." Therefore, most of
the workers hoped to make the motherland prosperous and
powerful and to have her stand on her own feet among all the
nations in the world. If those who replied "realize
Communism" are combined with those who replied "make the
motherland powerful" and "achieve the four modernizations,"
they make up 69.9 percent of the total respondents. This
shows that at that time, two-thirds of the workers believed
that their best choice was to realize their social and
political ideals. If we combine those in the aforementioned
three categories with those who replied "be a good worker
and good cadre" and "make our factory reputable," they will
make up 79 percent of the total number of respondents. This
shows that the loftiest ideals of the overwhelming majority
of workers were altruistic. If we combine those who replied
"have a happy family," "work hard to make more money," "gain
both fame and wealth and lead a comfortable life," and "find
a pretty wife" they made up 12.9 percent of the total number
of respondents. They were the ones who gave top priority to
their personal life. Only 3.1 percent of the respondents
felt lost about their aim of life. 

Between early March and mid-May in 1986, the All Federation of
Trade Unions organized all its departments, various industrial
trade unions, and the federations of trade unions in 29 provinces,
autonomous regions, and municipalities under the direct
administration of the central government to conduct a survey among
the more than 800,000 workers in 519 enterprises and nonprofit
institutions. 

During this survey, a total of 647,112 questionnaires came back.
Among the respondents, 24.69 percent of them answered that their
loftiest ideal was to "achieve Communism" ranking first; 20.33
percent of them replied "make our nation powerful," ranking second;
12.8 percent of them replied "achieve the four modernizations,"
ranking third; 10.92 percent of them replied: "have a happy
family," ranking fourth; 10.45 percent of them replied "be a good
worker and good cadre," ranking fifth; 6.95 percent of them replied
"work hard to earn more money," ranking sixth; 6.66 percent of them
replied "have a good job," ranking seventh; 2.1 percent of them
replied "gain both fame and wealth and lead a comfortable life,"
ranking eighth; 1.88 percent of them replied "make our factory
reputable," ranking ninth; and 1.36 percent of them replied "find
a pretty wife," ranking tenth.
 
In this group of data, if those who replied "making the
motherland powerful" are combined with those who replied
"achieving the four modernizations," they account for 33.13
percent of the total respondents, 8.44 percent more than
those who replied "realizing Communism." If those who
replied "realizing Communism," "making the motherland
powerful," and "achieving the four modernizations" were
combined, they accounted for 57.82 percent of the total
number of respondents. If we add the respondents in the
above-mentioned three categories to those who replied "be a
good worker and good cadre" and "make our factory
reputable," those with altruist ideals would make up 70.15
percent of the total number of respondents, while only 21.04
percent of the respondents gave higher priority to personal
life.
 
As compared with the previous survey conducted in 1982, we have
realized that the number of respondents in the 1986 survey who
replied "achieve Communism" was 4.31 percent lower than the 29
percent in 1982. The percentage of those who replied "achieve the
four modernizations" and "make our nation strong" were 7.77 percent
lower than the 40.9 percent in 1982. The percentage of those who
regarded the realization of social and political ideals as their
loftiest ideal were 12.08 percent less than the 69.9 percent in
1982.

The percentage of those with altruist ideals was 8.85
percent less than the 79 percent in 1982. The percentage of
those who attached importance to personal life rose by 8.43
percent as compared with the 16.9 percent in 1982. Those
whose loftiest ideal was "have a happy family" ranked fourth
on the list, while they ranked fifth in 1982. 
Between March and April 1991, the Office for Research
of the Propaganda Department of the CPC Central Committee
and the Office for Research of the Propaganda Department of
the Zhejiang Provincial CPC Committee conducted a survey
among the workers of the Hangzhou Iron and Steel Mill and
the Jiaxing Minfeng Paper Mill in Zhejiang. These two mills
were of medium-size and relatively advanced, and workers in
these two mills were quite typical in China's state-owned
large and medium-sized enterprises. 

The results of the survey showed that there were more than 20,000
workers in these two enterprises. An analysis of their outlook on
life and world outlook was as follows:

"There is a trend of paying less attention to ideals
and attaching importance to material benefits. When workers
are surveyed for their concepts on values and life, their
top three choices are health, wealth, and family, while
knowledge, ability, and ideals ranked fourth, sixth, and
eighth on the list. On lifestyle, 61 percent of the workers
choose a 'steady and peaceful life,' 15 percent of them
select 'working hard,' and 11 percent of them 'cherish
ideals.' The sign of seeking stability and fearing changes
and lacking the pioneering spirit is relatively prominent.
There is not enough enthusiasm for waging arduous
struggles." 

Following the two surveys conducted in 1982 and 1986 on
the situation among workers, the All-China Federation of
Trade Unions made another nationwide survey between June and
November 1992. This survey was conducted in 10 large and
medium-sized enterprises and nonprofit institutions in 12
provinces, autonomous regions, and municipalities under the
direct administration of the central government including
Guangdong. In accordance with the plan made by the All-China
Federation of Trade Unions, various provincial, regional,
and municipal federations of trade unions also conducted
typical surveys in 200 enterprises of various types in the
major economic sectors. Over 30,000 workers were interviewed
and invited to attend forums. Questionnaires were
distributed to 50,000 workers, and 48,532 of them came back.

During this survey, 13.2 percent of the respondents replied that
their loftiest ideal was to "achieve Communism," ranking third on
the list; 25.6 percent of them replied "make the nation prosperous
and powerful," ranking second; 27.3 percent of them replied "have
a happy family," ranking first; 12.6 percent of them replied "lead
a steady and comfortable life, ranking fourth; 7.5 percent of them
replied "make more money," ranking fifth; 6 percent of them replied
"personal achievements," ranking sixth; 3.5 percent of them replied
"personal interests and hobbies," ranking seventh; 3.5 percent of
them replied "serve the society," ranking eighth; and 0.8 percent
answered "it does not matter."
 
In this group of data, those who chose "a happy family"
ranked first on the list as compared with the fifth and
fourth in the 1982 and 1986 surveys. The percentage of
workers in this category jumped to 27.3 percent from 5.4
percent and 19.92 percent, up 21.9 percent and 16.38 percent
over 1982 and 1986. Those who chose "for the prosperity of
the nation" and "serve the society" were 15.9 percent more
than those who selected "realize Communism." Those who
selected "realize Communism" were 15.8 percent and 11.49
percent less than those in 1982 and 1986. Those who chose to
"serve the nation and the society" accounted for 29.1
percent of the total number of respondents. This percentage
was 11.8 percent and 4.03 percent lower than the 40.9
percent in 1982 and 33.13 percent in 1986. Those whose
loftiest ideals were altruist accounted for 42.3 percent of
the total number of respondents, down 36.7 percent and 27.85
percent over the 79 percent in 1982 and the 70.15 percent in
1986. Those who gave the highest priority to personal life
accounted for 50.9 percent of the total number of
respondents, up 38 percent and 29.86 percent respectively
over the 12.9 percent in 1982 and the 21.04 percent in 1986.

During this survey, those who chose "make money," "feel
bored without work," "never thought about this question,"
"subjectively work myself and objectively work for the
society," and "gain fame and get married" as their main
purpose to work accounted for 68.1 percent of the total
number of respondents. 

Among the 10,946 workers with CPC membership surveyed,
32.72 percent of them replied that their loftiest ideal was
to "realize Communism," while only 7.51 percent of the
workers with CYL [Communist Youth League] membership did so.

Statistics compiled during this survey showed that
"while workers attached less importance to their ideals,
more workers become religious." "Right now, workers who are
religious account for 9.4 percent of the total number of
workers in China." "Some workers, particularly some
Communist party members, disbelieve in or even despise
Communist and socialist ideals. Instead, they firmly believe
in a certain religion. As a result, many workers become less
immune to social ills such as money worship and feudal
superstition. This is a 'crisis of belief' which merits our
full attention." 

The aforementioned four surveys on the situation among the workers
have shown the trend of changes in Chinese workers' outlook on life
and world outlook in the past decade between 1982 and 1992. This
kind of trend of changes was indirectly manifested in the article
written by the Department of Propaganda and Education of the
Shenyang City Federation of Trade Unions in October 1995, entitled:
"Report and Analysis of a Survey Conducted Among Shenyang City's
Industrial Workers--Thought-Provoking Instead of Inspiring." 

Between July and October 1995, the Department of Propaganda and
Education of the Shenyang City Federation of Trade Unions selected
the 1,036 workers in those enterprises, factories, and workshops
surveyed in 1991 and sent them questionnaires. It also interviewed
more than 100 cadres and workers in six enterprises, and held a
forum attended by more than 40 information workers from more than
20 enterprises. 

The result of this survey indicated that "workers
showed less faith in upholding socialism." In the survey,
"53.09 percent of the respondents believed that 'China will
definitely be able to follow the socialist road, but it will
face difficulties,' down 20.07 percent as compared with the
survey conducted in 1991. However, those who took a
skeptical or pessimistic attitude rose 18.23 percent over
the 1991 survey. Those who believed or somewhat believed in
the superiority of socialism accounted for 69.98 percent of
the total number of respondents, a decline of 17.71 percent
over the 1991 survey. Those who had not learned through
practice about the superiority of socialism or could not
explain it clearly rose 19.05 percent as compared with the
1991 survey." 

In March and June 1996, the Department of Propaganda,
Education, Culture, and Sports of the All-China Federation
of Trade Unions had conducted, on separate occasions, the
"questionnaire survey on the ideological situation and the
current ideological and political work among workers in
various enterprises" and the "questionnaire survey on
workers' ideological, moral, cultural, and technical
standards in various enterprises throughout the country." 

During the March survey, a total of 2,192
questionnaires were retrieved. In answering the question of
"your loftiest ideal on life," 28.87 percent and the
majority of the respondents chose "happy marriage and steady
life," up 23.47 percent, 17.59 percent, and 1.57 percent
respectively as compared with surveys conducted in 1982,
1986, and 1992. Those who chose "work hard to yield personal
values" accounted for 19.05 percent of the total number of
respondents. The number of workers who made this choice rose
13.05 percent over the 6 percent recorded during the 1992
survey. Moreover they ranked second on the list, while they
ranked sixth during the 1992 survey. Those who chose
"realize Communism" accounted for 17.59 percent, down 14.41
percent and 7.1 percent respectively as compared with
surveys conducted in 1982 and 1986. However, they rose 4.39
percent over the 13.2 percent recorded in 1992. They also
ranked third on the list, the same rank as in the 1992
survey. Those who chose "work hard to build socialism with
Chinese characteristics" made up 11.83 percent, ranking
fourth on the list. Those who chose "attain greater material
wealth" made up 11.24 percent, ranking fifth, the same rank
as in the 1992 survey. However, the number of workers in
this category was up 6.14 percent, 4.29 percent, and 3.74
percent respectively as compared with the surveys conducted
in 1982, 1986, and 1992. Those who chose "ideal work" made
up 7.67 percent, ranking sixth, while 1.92 percent and 1.74
percent of the respondents chose "others" and "seek a higher
social status," ranking seventh and the last on the list. 

During this survey, 29.42 percent of the workers chose
"realize Communism," "work hard to build socialism with
Chinese characteristics" as their loftiest ideals which was
a drop of 40.48 percent, 28.4 percent, and 12.88 percent
respectively as compared with the 69.9 percent and 57.82
percent of those who chose "realize Communism," "achieve the
four modernizations," and "make the motherland powerful" in
the 1982 and 1986 surveys and the 42.3 percent of those who
chose "realize Communism," "make the nation prosperous and
powerful," and "serve the society" in the 1992 survey.
Meanwhile 40.11 percent of the workers chose ideals on life
(namely "gain greater material wealth" and "happy marriage
and steady life"), 10.69 percent higher than the 29.42
percent of those who selected social and political ideals
(namely "realize Communism" and "work hard to build
socialism with Chinese characteristics") and 11.65 percent
higher than the 28.46 percent of those who chose ideals in
professional achievements (namely "work hard to yield
personal values," "seek higher social status," and "ideal
work"). 

During this survey, CPC and CYL members made up 26.95
percent and 18.5 percent with a combined percentage of 45.45
percent of the total number of workers surveyed. There was a
difference of 16.03 percent as compared with the 29.42
percent of those who chose "realize Communism" and "work
hard to build socialism with Chinese characteristics." 

During the June survey, 5,292 valid questionnaires came
back. In answering the question "your loftiest ideal in your
life," the number of respondents who chose "work hard to
yield personal values" was the largest. They made up 26
percent of the total number of respondents as compared with
6 percent in 1992 and 19.05 percent in March 1996. They
ranked first while they ranked sixth in the 1992 survey and
second in the March 1996 survey. Those who chose "happy
marriage and steady life" dropped to 22.9 percent as
compared with the 27.3 percent in the 1992 survey and the
28.87 percent in the March 1996 survey. Their rank dropped
from the first to the second. Those who selected "realize
Communism" made up 15.2 percent, and they still ranked
third, the same as that in 1992. Those who chose "work hard
to build socialism with Chinese characteristics" made up
13.9 percent, ranking fourth. Those who selected "seek
greater material wealth" made up 13.7 percent, ranking
fifth. Those who chose "ideal work" made up 4.1 percent,
ranking sixth. Those who selected "others" and "seek higher
social status" made up 1.4 percent and 1.3 percent
respectively, ranking seventh and the last place on the
list. 

During this survey, those who chose "realize Communism"
and "work hard to build socialism with Chinese
characteristics" as their "loftiest ideals in their life"
made up 29.1 percent, indicating a trend of workers'
continuously declining enthusiasm in social and political
ideals since 1982. This ratio was down 40.8 percent, 28.72
percent, 13.2 percent, and 0.32 percent respectively over
these recorded in the surveys conducted in 1982, 1986, 1992,
and March 1996. Workers who chose ideals in their personal
life made up 36.6 percent. This ratio was 14.3 percent and
7.5 percent lower than the 50.09 percent in 1992 and the
40.11 percent in March 1996. Nevertheless, workers in this
category were still 5.2 percent and 7.5 percent more than
those who chose ideals in professional achievements and
selected social and political ideals. 

During this survey, respondents with CPC and CYL
memberships made up 23.4 percent and 24.3 percent
respectively totalling 47.7 percent. However, workers in
this category who chose "realize Communism" and "work hard
to build socialism with Chinese characteristics" made up
29.1 percent, 18.6 percent lower than the share of party
members and youth league members in the total number of
respondents and 2.57 percent less than that recorded in the
March survey. What merits our attention is the fact that the
number of party and youth league members who cling to social
and political ideals is on the decline each passing day. For
example, the CPC and CYL respondents who chose social and
political ideals was 57.82 percent in the 1986 survey, 9.49
percent higher than the percentage of party and youth league
members in the total number of respondents. In the 1992
survey, CPC and CYL respondents who chose social and
political ideals made up 42.3 percent, 6.6 percent lower
than the percentage of party and youth league members in the
total number of respondents. If we take into consideration
the possibility of nonparty and nonyouth league members
choosing social and political ideals, the percentage of
party and youth members selecting social and political
ideals might be even lower. This shows that a considerable
number of party and youth league members have not actually
taken their CPC or CYL membership into consideration. 

To forsake the loftiest ideals of realizing Communism
and of invigorating the country and the nation and refuse to
select altruist ideals has become the wishes of a
considerable number of workers at present. Moreover, this
kind of state of mind is gradually spreading. I believe,
this does not mean that we have "come to understand." This
kind of qualitative change indicates a sign of low national
spirit and weak class consciousness among the workers. If
the situation persists, it will be too dreadful to think of
our future! 

Then, what are the reasons that make more and more
workers disbelieve scientific Communism, choose the ideal on
personal life and even believe in religion? (Note: According
to a nationwide survey of workers, 8-9 percent of the
workers were religious among the total number of workers
surveyed. However, 20 percent of the workers in Shanghai and
26.5 percent of the workers surveyed are religious.) I
believe that this situation can be attributed to two major
factors--the international factor and the domestic factor.
Of the two, the domestic factor is the main one. It is
specifically manifested as follows: 

First, the weakening socialist awareness with Marxism
as the guidance has caused confusion and misled the public
opinion to a certain extent during a certain period. It
prevents China's theoreticians from studying and correctly
explaining the several deep-rooted problems in the course of
developing socialist modernization, and hinders enterprises
in following the correct path in reform. It not only abets
corruption and degeneration, but also deeply affects people
in choosing their values. Since the introduction of the
reform and opening-up policy, two of our principal party
leaders had, on separate occasions, committed mistakes on
the issue of opposing bourgeois liberalization. Deng Lijun's
songs became a fad of the time, and the book Abandoned
Capital blatantly sought publicity. The "China Human Rights
Group" and the "Thawing Society" appeared in the late 1970s,
and the Beijing disturbance broke out in late spring and
early summer in 1989. Public funds were used in feasting and
other kinds of entertainment, and some people even used
public funds to visit prostitutes and engage in gambling.
Persons such as Wang Baosen overtly babbled about ideals and
faith, while covertly leading a fast life. All these
indicate the need to strengthen ideological education among
ourselves. 

Second, A considerable number of state-owned and
collective enterprises are not doing well. Some of them
suffer losses, while others are forced to suspend or curtail
production. Some workers do not get paid on time or simply
receive no pay. As a result, some workers' families live in
dire poverty. Their situation shows a striking contrast to
the sudden wealth attained by some dubious characters and
the wanton extravagance of some "influential officials" and
"upstarts." Workers' weak economic status affects their
political and cultural status, and makes them feel passive
in their mind. 

The number of workers laid off by enterprises continues
to increase, and the rate of urban unemployment is on the
rise. This not only pushes the workers' families in deep
water, but also undermines social stability. In accordance
with the statistics compiled by the All-China Federation of
Trade Unions, the number of workers who were laid off or
asked to accept reduced wages or retirement reached
6,924,110, almost 7 million. In accordance with the
statistics compiled by the Ministry of Labor, among the 108
million workers in the country, there are approximately 30
million redundant workers in state-owned enterprises
throughout China (of whom about 15 million lie idle and
another 15 million are covertly idle) accounting for 25-30
percent of the total number of workers.

The urban unemployment rate was 2.3 percent in 1992, 2.5 percent in
1993, and 2.8 percent in 1994, and it was estimated to be 3 percent
in 1995 with a continuous upward trend. This rate is estimated to
reach 4.8 percent by the year 2000. Some people believe that if the
20 million covert idle workers and the 6 million on-the-job
unemployed workers in enterprises forced to completely or partially
suspend production are included, China's urban unemployment rate
will be 10 percent, not 2.8 percent. In accordance with statistics
compiled by the Shanghai Federation of Trade Unions, there were
84,500 laid-off workers waiting for jobs in Shanghai in 1992.

The number of unemployed in 1993 was 68,900 more than that in 1992,
and that in 1994 was 44,700 more than that in 1993. The number
of laid-off workers reached 250,000 in 1995. On the one hand, some
of the laid-off workers feel antagonistic to the society and the
reform program because they have lost their jobs and income. At
times, they even feel hopeless in life.

On the other hand, they decline to accept job offers in four
areas. They refuse to accept job offers that pay poorly,
call for heavy work, demand strict discipline, or are far
away from home. According to an estimate made by a leading
comrade of the No. 1 Light Industrial Corporation in
Beijing, at least 70 percent of the 7,000 laid-off workers
are covertly working while receiving partial wages and
enjoying some fringe benefits from the enterprises as laid-
off workers. 

The reform and opening-up program has helped raise a
large number of workers' living standards in varying
degrees. However, most of the workers do not regard
themselves as the largest beneficiaries of the reform
program. During the surveys conducted in March and June
1996, workers believed that proprietors of the nonpublic
economic sector and people who hold power in their hands
were the beneficiaries of the reform program. In terms of
ranking, private proprietors ranked first, managers and
administrators form the next group followed by government
cadres, technicians, and peasants. Production workers were
at the bottom of the list. Furthermore, most of the workers
believe that the gap between the rich and the poor in the
society is widening. On the issue of the narrowing gap
between the rich and the poor in the society, 18.41 percent
of the workers in the March 1996 survey said "yes among a
few people" while 66.7 percent of them said "no." 

The result of a research project sponsored by China People's
University proved this kind of trend. By using the "Gini
Coefficient" to judge the disparities between the rural and urban
incomes in China, this coefficient was 0.445 in 1994. It showed
that income differentials were excessively large. The Gini
coefficient in China has already exceeded that in Western
developed countries. 

According to an analysis conducted by the State
Statistics Bureau, China's urban families in 1995 could be
divided into the following five categories: 

1. Poor families with an average annual income under
5,000 yuan, making up 3.8 percent of the total number of
families, 1 percent less over 1994. 

2. Families having adequate food and clothing with an
average annual income between 5,000 and 10,000 yuan, making
up 36.1 percent of the total number of families. 

3. Families leading a relatively comfortable life with
an average annual income between 10,000 and 30,000 yuan,
making up 50.1 percent of the total number of families. 

4. Well-to-do families with an average annual income
between 30,000 and 100,000 yuan, making up 8 percent of the
total number of families. There are approximately 6.8
million families of this category in China's urban areas. 

5. Wealthy families with an average annual income of
over 100,000 yuan, making up 1 percent of the total number
of families. There are approximately 850,000 families of
this category in China's urban areas. 

In 20 percent of the urban families, the income
differentials between families of the highest incomes and
those of the lowest incomes grew from 1.8 times in 1978 to 3
times in 1994. From the perspective of the entire society,
the difference between the rich and the poor is as high as
13 times, if we compare the 20 percent of the urban families
with higher incomes with 20 percent of the rural families
with lower incomes. 

Right now, another trend which merits our attention is
the fact that there are more labor disputes since 1992. Some
of them are complicated and volatile. According to data
provided by the Ministry of Labor, the number of labor
disputes of all types that arose in 1993 was 54 percent more
than that in 1992. Labor disputes that flared up in 1995
grew 73 percent over 1994. The number of such disputes
exceeded 210,000 in 1995. Labor disputes will continue to
increase in 1996. 

What is the workers' work enthusiasm in China under the
aforementioned conditions? The 1986 survey believed that
39.18 percent of the workers surveyed worked
enthusiastically in general, 7.34 percent of them worked
with not enough enthusiasm, and 3.28 percent of them were
far from being enthusiastic in work. The March 1996 survey
showed that 41.39 percent of workers were "relatively less
enthusiastic" and 12.79 percent of workers were "not
enthusiastic." From this, we can see that workers' labor
enthusiasm in China has been weakening for the past several
years. Right now, half of the workers in China showed little
concern and lack enthusiasm in participating in political
affairs. 

Are workers very much concerned about political
affairs? In the March and June 1996 surveys, 57.1 percent
and 54.3 percent of the respondents answered that "Politics
is the business of the leadership, and it has nothing to do
with me," "I am forced to participate in political affairs,"
"just follow the general public," and "I am disgusted with
politics" respectively. This indicates that half of the
workers in China show little concern over politics, and feel
passive in participating in political affairs. 

Third, the hostile forces at home and abroad are speeding up their
"peaceful evolution" plots against socialist countries. Comrade
Deng Xiaoping pointed out: "The West really wants unrest in China."
They seek to "wage a world war without gunsmoke." (Selected Works
of Deng Xiaoping III, page 326.) These plots of the international
forces against socialism were clearly shown in books such as
Nixon's 1999: Win Hands Down and Brzezinski's Major Defeat. They
were explicitly shown in the action taken by the US Government to
undermine the Polish Government by providing the "Solidarity Trade
Union" with $50 million to carry out its activities, in the hue and
cry raised by the Western nations to bring about drastic changes in
East Europe, and in the "golden oriole movement" sponsored by the
US Central Intelligence Agency to help criminals wanted by our
security organs to escape. These antisocialist forces first tried
to infiltrate into the cultural and ideological realms of the
socialist nations, and then adopted every possible means to
surreptitiously enter the economic and political spheres.
They have succeeded in effecting drastic changes in East Europe,
and become a major reason for our workers to slide downhill in
spirit. They have created social and psychological barriers for the
people in promoting modernization in China. 

The working class is the leading class in China.
Workers' class consciousness is crucial in China's society.
It plays a decisive role in developing the modernization
program in the country and promoting the growth of the
Chinese working class. To help workers develop their class
consciousness and arm them with a scientific outlook on life
and a world outlook is a task that we must not ignore in
developing China's socialist modernization. 

[Appeared in Dangdai Sichao (Modern Currents of Thoughts), 
Beijing, 20 Apr 97 No 2, pp 15-23]
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