REFUTATION OF THE SO-CALLED PARTY OF THE ENTIRE PEOPLE
The first draft of this document was written by Mao Zedong. R.R.)
At the 22nd Congress of the CPSU Khrushchov openly raised another banner, the
alteration of the proletarian character of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. He
announced the replacement of the party of the proletariat by a "party of the entire
The programme of the CPSU states, "As a result of the victory of socialism in the
U.S.S.R. and the consolidation of the unity of Soviet society, the Communist Party of the
working class has become the vanguard of the Soviet people, a party of the entire
people". The Open Letter of the Central Committee of the CPSU says that the CPSU
"has become a political organization of the entire people".
Elementary knowledge of Marxism-Leninism tells us that, like the state, a political
party is an instrument of class struggle. Every political party has a class character.
Party spirit is the concentrated expression of class character. There is no such thing as
a non-class or supra-class political party and there never has been, nor is there such a
thing as a "party of the entire people" that does not represent the interests of
a particular class.
The party of the proletariat is built in accordance with the revolutionary theory and
revolutionary style of Marxism-Leninism; it is the party formed by the advanced elements
who are boundlessly faithful to the historical mission of the proletariat, it is the
organized vanguard of the proletariat and the highest form of its organization. The party
of the proletariat represents the interests of the proletariat and the concentration of
Moreover, the party of the proletariat is the only party able to represent the
interests of the people, who constitute over ninety per cent of the total population. The
reason is that the interests of the proletariat are identical with those of the working
masses, that the proletariarian party can approach problems in the light of the historical
role of the proletariat and in terms of the present and future interests of the
proletariat and the working masses and of the best interests of the overwhelming majority
of the people, and that it can give correct leadership in accordance with
In addition to its members of working-class origin, the party of the proletariat has
members of other class origins. But the latter do not join the Party as representatives of
other classes. From the very day they join the Party they must abandon their former class
stand and take the stand of the proletariat. Marx and Engels said:
- If people of this kind join the proletarian movement, the first condition must be that
they should not bring any remnants of bourgeois, petty-bourgeois, etc., prejudices with
them but should wholeheartedly adopt the proletarian outlook.
["Marx and Engels to A. Bebel, W. Liebknecht, W. Bracke and Others ("Circular
Letter"), Sept. 17-18, 1879", Selected Works of Marx and Engels, FLPH,
Moscow, Vol. 2, pp. 484-85.]
The basic principles concerning the proletarian party were long ago elucidated by
Marxism-Leninism. But in the opinion of the revisionist Khrushchov clique these principles
are "stereotyped formulas", while their "party of the entire people"
conforms to the "actual dialectics of the development of the Communist Party".
["From the Party of the Working Class to the Party of the Whole Soviet
People", editorial board's article of Partyinaya Zhizn, Moscow, No. 8, 1964.]
The revisionist Khrushchov clique have cudgelled their brains to think up arguments
justifying their "party of the entire people". They have argued during the talks
between the Chinese and Soviet Parties in July 1963 and in the Soviet press that they have
changed the Communist Party of the Soviet Union into a "party of the entire
- 1. The CPSU expresses the interests of the whole people.
2. The entire people have
accepted the Marxist-Leninist world outlook of the working class, and the aim of the
working class - the building of communism - has become the aim of the entire people.
3. The ranks of the CPSU consist of the best representatives of the workers, collective
farmers and intellectuals. The CPSU unites in its own ranks representatives of over a
hundred nationalities and peoples.
4. The democratic method used in the Party's activities is also in accord with its
character as the Party of the entire people.
It is obvious even at a glance that none of these arguments adduced by the revisionist
Khrushchov clique shows a serious approach to a serious problem.
When Lenin was fighting the opportunist muddle-heads, he remarked:
- Can people obviously incapable of taking serious problems seriously themselves be taken
seriously? It is difficult to do so, comrades, very difficult! But the question which
certain people cannot treat seriously is in itself so serious that it will do no harm to
examine even patently frivolous replies to it.
[Lenin, "Clarity First and Foremost!", Collected Works, FLPH, Moscow,
1964, Vol. 20, p. 544.]
Today, too, it will do no harm to examine the patently frivolous replies given by the
revisionist Khrushchov clique to so serious a question as that of the party of the
According to the revisionist Khrushchov clique, the Communist Party should become a
"party of the entire people" because it represents the interests of the entire
people. Does it not then follow that from the very beginning it should have been a
"party of the entire people" instead of a party of the proletariat?
According to the revisionist Khrushchov clique, the Communist Party should become a
"party of the entire people" because "the entire people have accepted the
Marxist-Leninist world outlook of the working class". But how can it be said that
everyone has accepted the Marxist-Leninist world outlook in Soviet society where sharp
class polarization and class struggle are taking place?
Can it be said that the tens of thousands of old and new bourgeois elements in your
country are all Marxist-Leninists? If Marxism-Leninism has really become the world outlook
of the entire people, as you allege, does in not then follow that there is no difference
in your society between Party and non-Party and no need whatsoever for the Party to exist?
What difference does it make if there is a "party of the entire people" or not?
According to the revisionist Khrushchov clique, the Communist Party should become a
"party of the entire people" because its membership consists of workers,
peasants and intellectuals and all nationalities and peoples. Does this mean that before
the idea of the "party of the entire people" was put forward at its 22nd
Congress none of the members of the CPSU came from classes other than the working class?
Does it mean that formerly the members of the Party all came from just one nationality, to
the exclusion of other nationalities and peoples?
If the character of a party is determined by the social background of its membership,
does it not then follow that the numerous political parties in the world whose members
also come from various classes, nationalities and peoples are all "parties of the
According to the revisionist Khrushchov clique, the Party should be a "party of
the entire people" because the methods it uses in its activities are democratic. But
from its outset, a Communist Party is built on the basis of the principle of democratic
centralism and should always adopt the mass line and the democratic method of persuation
and education in working among the people. Does it not then follow that a Communist Party
is a "party of the entire people" from the first day of its founding?
Briefly, none of the arguments listed by the revisionist Khrushchov clique holds water.
Besides making a great fuss about a "party of the entire people", Khrushchov
has also divided the Party into an "industrial Party" and an "agricultural
Party" on the pretext of "building the Party organs on the production
[N. S. Khrushchov, Report at the Plenary Meeting of the Central Committee of the CPSU,
The revisionist Khrushchov clique say that they have done so be- cause of "the
primacy of economics over politics under socialism"  and because they want to
place "the economic and pro- duction problems, which have been pushed to the
forefront by the entire course of the communist construction, at the centre of the
activities of the Party organizations" and make them "the cornerstone of all
their work" . Khrushchov said, "We say bluntly that the main thing in the
work of the Party organs is production" . And what is more, they have foisted
these views on Lenin, claiming that they are acting in accordance with his principles.
[1. "Study, Know, Act", editorial of Ekonomicheskaya Gazeta, No. 50,
[2. "The Communist and Production", editorial of Kommunist, No. 2,
[3. N. S. Khrushchov, Speech at the Election Meeting of the Ka- linin Constituency of
Moscow, Feb. 27, 1963.]
However, anyone at all acquainted with the history of the CPSU knows that, far from
being Lenin's views, they are anti-Leninist views and that they were views held by
Trotsky. On this question, too, Khrushchov is a worthy disciple of Trotsky.
In criticizing Trotsky and Bukharin, Lenin said:
- Politics are the concentrated expression of economics . . . Politics cannot but have
precedence over economics. To argue differently means forgetting the A B C of Marxism.
- ... without a proper political approach to the subject the given class cannot maintain
its rule, and consequently cannot solve its own production problems.
[Lenin, "Once Again on the Trade Unions, the Present Situation and the Mistakes of
Trotsky and Bukharin", Selected Works, International Publishers, New York,
1943, Vol. 9, pp. 54 and 55.]
The facts are crystal clear; the real purpose of the revisionist Khrushchov clique in
proposing a "party of the entire people" was completely to alter the proletarian
character of the CPSU and transform the Marxist-Leninist Party into a revisionist party.
The great Communist Party of the Soviet Union is confronted with the grave danger of
degenerating from a party of the proletariat into a party of the bourgeoisie and from a
Marxist-Leninist into a revisionist party.
- A party that wants to exist cannot allow the slightest wavering on the question of its
existence or any argument with those who may bury it.
[Lenin, "How Vera Zasulich Demolishes Liquidationism", Collected Works,
FLPH, Moscow, 1963, Vol. 19, p. 414.]
At present, the revisionist Khrushchov clique is again confronting the broad membership
of the great Communist Party of the Soviet Union with precisely this serious question.
KHRUSHCHOV'S PHONEY COMMUNISM
At the 22nd Congress of the CPSU, Khrushchov announced that the Soviet Union had
already entered the period of the extensive building of communist society. He also
declared that "we shall, in the main, have built a communist society within twenty
years". This is pure fraud.
[N. S. Khrushchov, "On the Programme of the Communist Party of the Soviet
Union", at the 22nd Congress of the CPSU in October 1961.]
How can there be talk of building communism when the revisionist Khrushchov clique are
leading the Soviet Union onto the path of the restoration of capitalism and when the
Soviet people are in grave danger of losing the fruits of socialism?
In putting up the signboard of "building communism" Khrushchov's real aim is
to conceal the true face of his revisionism. But it is not hard to expose this trick. Just
as the eyeball of a fish cannot be allowed to pass as a pearl, so revisionism cannot be
allowed to pass itself off as communism.
Scientific communism has a precise and definite meaning. According to Marxism-Leninism,
communist society is a society in which classes and class differences are completely
eliminated, the entire people have a high level of communist consciousness and morality as
well as boundless enthusiasm for and initiative in labour, there is a great abundance of
social products and the principle of "from each according to his ability, to each
according to his needs" is applied, and in which the state has withered away.
- In the higher phase of communist society, after the enslaving subordination of the
individual to the division of labour, and therefore also the antithesis between mental and
physical labour, has vanished; after labour has become not only a means of life but life's
prime want; after the production forces have also increased with the all-round development
of the individual, and all the springs of co-operative wealth flow more abundantly -- only
then can the narrow horizon of bourgeois right be crossed in its entirety and society
inscribe on its banners: From each according to his ability, to each according to his
[Marx, "Critique of the Gotha Programme", Selected Works of Marx and
Engels, FLPH, Moscow, Vol. 2, p. 24.]
According to Marxist-Leninist theory, the purpose of upholding the dictatorship of the
proletariat in the period of socialism is precisely to ensure that society develops in the
direction of communism. Lenin said that "forward development, i.e., towards
Communism, proceeds through the dictatorship of the proletariat, and cannot do
[Lenin, "The State and Revolution", Selected Works, FLPH, Moscow, Vol.
2, Part 1, p. 291.]
Since the revisionist Khrushchov clique have abandoned the dictatorship of the
proletariat in the Soviet Union, it is going backward and not forward to communism.
Going forward to communism means moving towards the abolition of all classes and class
differences. A communist society which preserves any classes at all, let alone exploiting
classes, is inconceivable. Yet Khrushchov is fostering a new bourgeoisie, restoring and
extending the system of exploitation and accelerating class polarization in the Soviet
Union. A privileged bourgeois stratum opposed to the Soviet people now occupies the ruling
position in the Party and government and in the economic, cultural and other departments.
Can one find an iota of communism in all this?
Going forward to communism means moving towards a unitary system of the ownership of
the means of production by the whole people. A communist society in which several kinds of
ownership of the means of production coexist is inconceivable. Yet Khrushchov is creating
a situation in which enterprises owned by the whole people are gradually degenerating into
capitalist enterprises and farms under the system of collective ownership are gradually
degenerating into units of a kulak economy. Again, can one find an iota of communism in
Going forward to communism means moving towards a great abundance of social products
and the realization of the principle of "from each according to his ability, to each
according to his needs". A communist society built on the enrichment of a handful of
persons and the impoverishment of the masses is inconceivable. Under the socialist system
the great Soviet people developed the social productive forces at unprecedented speed. But
the evils of Khrushchov's revisionism are creating havoc in the Soviet socialist economy.
Constantly beset with innumerable contradictions, Khrushchov makes frequent changes in
his economic policies and often goes back on his own words, thus throwing the Soviet
national economy into a state of chaos. Khrushchov is truly an incorrigible wastrel. He
has squandered the grain reserves built up under Stalin and brought great difficulties
into the lives of the Soviet people. He has distorted and violated the socialist prin-
ciple of distribution of "from each according to his ability, to each according to
his work", and enabled a handful of persons to appropriate the fruits of the labour
of the broad masses of the Soviet people. These points alone are sufficient to prove that
the road taken by Khrushchov leads away from communism.
Going forward to communism means moving towards enhancing the communist consciousness
of the masses. A communist society with bourgeois ideas running rampant is inconceivable.
Yet Khrushchov is zealously reviving bourgeois ideology in the Soviet Union and serving as
a missionary for the decadent American culture.
By propagating material incentive, he is turning all human relations into money
relations and encouraging individualism and selfishness. Because of him, manual labour is
again considered sordid and love of pleasure at the expense of other people's labour is
again considered honourable. Certainly, the social ethics and atmosphere promoted by
Khrushchov are far removed from communism, as far as can be.
Going forward to communism means moving towards the withering away of the state. A
communist society with a state apparatus for oppressing the people is inconceivable. The
state of the dictatorship of the proletariat is actually no longer a state in its original
sense, because it is no longer a machine used by the exploiting few to oppress the
overwhelming majority of the people but a machine for exercising dictatorship over a very
small number of exploiters, while democracy is practiced among the overwhelming majority
of the people.
Khrushchov is altering the character of Soviet state power and changing the
dictatorship of the proletariat back into an instrument whereby a handful of privileged
bourgeois elements exercise dictatorship over the mass of Soviet workers, peasants and
intellectuals. He is continuously strenghtening his dictatorial state apparatus and
intensifying his repression of the So- viet people. It is indeed a great mockery to talk
about communism in these circumstances.
A comparison of all this with the principles of scientific communism readily reveals
that in every respect the revisionist Khrushchov clique are leading the Soviet Union away
from the path of socialism and onto the path of capitalism and, as a consequence, further
and further away from, instead of closer to, the communist goal of "from each
according to his ability, to each according to his needs".
Khrushchov has ulterior motives when he puts up his signboard of communism. He is using
it to fool the Soviet people and cover up his effort to restore capitalism. He is using it
to deceive the international proletariat and the revolutionary people the world over and
betray proletarian internationalism. Under this signboard, the Khrushchov clique has
itself abandoned proletarian internationalism and is seeking a partnership with U.S.
imperialism for the partition of the world; moreover, it wants the fraternal socialist
countries to serve its own private interests and not to oppose imperialism or to support
the revolutions of the oppressed peoples and nations, and it wants them to accept its
political, economic and military control and be its virtual dependencies and colonies.
Furthermore, the Khrushchov clique wants all the oppressed peoples and nations to serve
its private interests and abandon their revolutionary struggles, so as not to disturb its
sweet dream of partnership with imperialism for the division of the world, and instead
submit to enslavement and oppression by imperialism and its lackeys.
In short, Khrushchov's slogan of basically "building a communist society within
twenty years" in the Soviet Union is not only false but also reactionary.
The revisionist Khrushchov clique say that the Chinese "go to the length of
questioning the very right of our Party and people to build communism".
[M. A. Suslov, Report at the Plenary Meeting of the Central Committee of the CPSU,
This is a despicable attempt to fool the Soviet people and poison the friendship of the
Chinese and Soviet people. We have never had any doubts that the great Soviet people will
eventually enter into communist society. But right now the revisionist Khrushchov clique
are damaging the socialist fruits of the Soviet people and taking away their right to go
forward to communism. In the circumstances, the issue confronting the Soviet people is not
how to build communism but rather how to resist and oppose Khrushchov's effort to restore
The revisionist Khrushchov clique also say that "the CPC leaders hint that, since
our Party has made its aim a better life for the people, Soviet society is being
bourgeoisified, is 'degenerating'".
[Open Letter of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union to
Party Organizations and All Communists in the Soviet Union", July 14, 1963.]
This trick of deflecting the Soviet people's dissatisfaction with the Khrushchov clique
is deplorable as well as stupid. We sincerely wish the Soviet people an increasingly
better life. But Khrushchov's boasts of "concern for the well-being of the
people" and of "a better life for every man" are utterly false and
For the masses of the Soviet people life is already bad enough at Khrushchov's hands.
The Khrushchov clique seek a "better life" only for the members of the
privileged stratum and the bourgeois elements, old and new, in the Soviet Union. These
people are appropriating the fruits of the Soviet people's labour and living the life of
bourgeois lords. They have indeed become thoroughly bourgeoisified.
Khrushchov's "communism" is in essence a variant of bourgeois socialism. He
does not regard communism as completely abolishing classes and class differences but
describes it as "a bowl accessible to all and brimming with the products of physical
and mental labour".
[n. S. Khrushchov, Speech for the Austrian Radio and Television, July 7, 1960.]
He does not regard the struggle of the working class for communism as a struggle for
the thorough emancipation of all mankind as well as itself but describes it as a struggle
for "a good dish of goulash". There is not an iota of scientific communism in
his head but only the image of a society of bourgeois philistines.
Khrushchov's "communism" takes the United States for its model. Imitation of
the methods of management of U.S. capitalism and the bourgeois way of life has been raised
by Khrushchov to the level of state policy. He says that he "always thinks
highly" of the achievements of the United States. He "rejoices in these
achievements, is a little envious at times".
[N. S. Khrushchov, Interview with Leaders of U.S. Congress and Members of the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee, Sept. 16, 1959.]
He extols to the sky a letter by Roswell Garst, a big U.S. farmer, which propagates the
capitalist system; actually he has taken it as his agricultural programme.
[N. S. Khrushchov, Speech at the Plenary Meeting of the Central Committee of the CPSU,
He wants to copy the United States in the sphere of industry as well as in that of
agriculture and, in particular, to imitate the profit motive of U.S. capitalist
enterprises. He shows great admiration for the American way of life, asserting that the
American people "do not live badly" under the rule and enslavement of monopoly
[N. S. Khrushchov, Talk at a Meeting with Businessmen and Public Leaders in Pittsburgh,
U.S.A., Sept. 24, 1959.]
Going further, Khrushchov is hopeful of building communism with loans from U.S.
imperialism. During his visits to the United States and Hungary, he expressed on more than
one occasion his readiness "to take credits from the devil himself".
Thus it can be seen that Khrushchov's "communism" is indeed "goulash
communism", the "communism of the American way of life" and "communism
seeking credits from the devil". No wonder he often tells representatives of Western
monopoly capital that once such "communism" is realized in the Soviet Union,
"you will go forward to communism without any call from me".
[N. S. Khrushchov, Talk at a Meeting with French Parliamenta- rians, Mar. 25, 1960.]
There is nothing new about such "communism". It is simply another name for
capitalism. It is only a bourgeois label, sign or advertisment. In ridiculing the old-line
revisionist parties which set up the signboard of Marxism, Lenin said:
- Wherever Marxism is popular among the workers, this political tendency, this
"bourgeois labour party", will swear by the name of Marx. It cannot be
prohibited from doing this, just as a trading firm cannot be prohibited from using any
particular label, sign, or advertisment.
[Lenin, "Imperialism and the Split in Socialism", Selected Works,
International Publishers, New York, Vol. 11, p. 781.]
It is thus easily understandable why Khrushchov's "communism" is appreciated
by imperialism and monopoly capital. The U.S. Secretary of State Dean Rusk has said:
- . . . to the extent that goulash and the second pair of trousers and questions of that
sort become more important in the Soviet Union, I think to that extent a moderating
influence has come into the present scene.
[Dean Rusk, Interview on British Broadcasting Corporation Television, May 10, 1964.]
And the British Prime Minister Douglas-Home has said:
- Mr. Khrushchov said that the Russian brand of communism puts education and goulash
first. That is good; goulash-communism is better than war-communism, and I am glad to have
this confirmation of our view that fat and comfortable Communists are better than lean and
[A. Douglas-Home, Speech at Norwich, England, Apr. 6, 1964.]
Khrushchov's revisionism entirely caters to the policy of "peaceful
evolution" which U.S. imperialism is pursuing with regard to the Soviet Union and
other socialist countries. John Foster Dulles said:
- . . . there was evidence within the Soviet Union of forces toward greater liberalism
which, if they persisted, could bring about a basic change in the Soviet Union.
[J. F. Dulles, press conference, May 15, 1956.]
The liberal forces Dulles talked about are capitalist forces. The basic change Dulles
hoped for is the degeneration of socialism into capitalism. Khrushchov is effecting
exactly the "basic change" Dulles dreamed of.
How the imperialists are hoping for the restoration of capitalism in the Soviet Union!
How they are rejoicing!
We would advise the imperialist lords not to be happy too soon. Notwithstanding all the
services of the revisionist Khrushchov clique, nothing can save imperialism from its doom.
The revisionist ruling clique suffer from the same kind of disease as the imperialist
ruling clique; they are extremely antagonistic to the masses of the people who comprise
over ninety per cent of the world's population, and therefore they, too, are weak and
powerless and are paper tigers. Like the clay Buddha that tried to wade across the river,
the revisionist Khrushchov clique cannot even save themselves, so how can they endow
imperialism with long life?
HISTORICAL LESSONS OF THE DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT
Khrushchov's revisionism has inflicted heavy damage on the international communist
movement, but at the same time it has educated the Marxist-Leninists and revolutionary
people throughout the world by negative example.
If it may be said that the Great October Revolution provided Marxist-Leninists in all
countries with the most important postive experience and opened up the road for the
proletarian seizure of political power, then on its part Khrushchov's revisionism may be
said to have provided them with the most important negative experience, enabling the
Marxist-Leninists in all countries to draw the appropriate lessons for preventing the
degeneration of the proletarian party and the socialist state.
Historically all revolutions have had their reverses and their twists and turns. Lenin
- . . . if we take the matter in its essence, has it ever happened in history that a new
mode of production took root immediately, without a long succession of setbacks, blunders
[Lenin, "A Great Beginning", Selected Works, FLPH, Moscow, Vol. 2,
Part 2, p. 229.]
The international proletarian revolution has a history of less than a century counting
from 1871 when the proletariat of the Paris Commune made the first heroic attempt at the
seizure of political power, or barely half a century counting from the October Revolution.
The proletarian revolution, the greatest revo- lution in human history, replaces
capitalism by socialism and private ownership by public ownership and uproots all the
systems of exploitation and all the exploiting classes. It is all the more natural that so
earth-shaking a revolution should have to go through serious and fierce class struggles,
inevitably traverse a long and tortuous course beset with reverses.
History furnishes a number of examples in which proletarian rule suffered defeat as a
result of armed suppression by the bourgeoisie, for instance, the Paris Commune and the
Hungarian Soviet Republic of 1919. In contemporary times, too, there was the
counter-revolutionary rebellion in Hungary in 1956, when the rule of the proletariat was
almost overthrown. People can easily perceive this form of capitalist restoration and are
more alert and watchful against it.
However, they cannot easily perceive and are often off their guard or not vigilant
against another form of capitalist restoration, which therefore presents a greater danger.
The state of the dictatorship of the proletariat takes the road of revisionism or the road
of "peaceful evolution" as a result of the degeneration of the leadership of the
Party and the state. A lesson of this kind was provided some years ago by the revisionist
Tito clique who brought about the degeneration of socialist Yugoslavia into a capitalist
country. But the Yugoslav lesson alone has not sufficed to arouse people's attention
fully. Some may say that perhaps it was an accident.
But now the revisionist Khrushchov clique have usurped the leadership of the Party and
the state, and there is grave danger of a restoration of capitalism in the Soviet Union,
the land of the Great October Revolution with its history of several decades in building
socialism. And this sounds the alarm for all socialist countries including China, and for
all the Communist and Workers' Parties, including the Communist Party of China. Inevitably
it arouses very great attention and forces Marxist-Leninists and revolutionary people the
world over to ponder deeply and sharpen their vigilance.
The emergence of Khrushchov's revisionism is a bad thing, and it is also a good thing.
So long as the countries where socialism has been achieved and also those that will later
embark on the socialist road seriously study the lessons of the "peaceful
evolusion" promoted by the revisionist Khrushchov clique and take the appropriate
measures, they will be able to prevent this kind of "peaceful evolution" as well
as crush the enemy's armed attacks. Thus, the victory of the world proletarian revolution
will be more certain.
The Communist Party of China has a history of forty-three years. During its protracted
revolutionary struggle, our Party combated both Right and "Left" opportunist
errors and the Marxist-Leninist leadership of the Central Committee headed by Comrade Mao
Tse-tung was established. Closely integrating the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism with
the concrete practice of revolution and construction in China, Comrade Mao Tse-tung has
led the Chinese people from victory to victory.
The Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party and Comrade Mao Tse-tung have
taught us to wage unremitting struggle in the theoretical, political and organizational
fields, as well as in practical work, so as to combat revisionism and prevent a
restoration of capitalism. The Chinese people have gone through pro- tracted revolutionary
armed struggles and possess a glorious revolutionary tradition. The Chinese People's
Liberation Army is armed with Mao Tse-tung's thinking and inseparably linked to the
masses. The numerous cadres of the Chinese Communist Party have been educated and tempered
in rectification movements and sharp class struggles. All these factors make it very
difficult to restore capitalism in our country.
But let us look at the facts. Is our society today thoroughly clean? No, it is not.
Classes and class struggle still remain, the activities of the overthrown reactionary
classes plotting a comeback still continue, and we still have speculative activities by
old and new bourgeois elements and desperate forays by embezzlers, grafters and
degenerates. There are also cases of degeneration in a few primary organizations; what is
more, these degenerates do their utmost to find protectors and agents in the higher
leading bodies. We should not in the least slacken our vigilance against such phenomena
but must keep fully alert.
The struggle in the socialist countries between the road of socialism and the road of
capitalism - between the forces of capitalism attempting a comeback and the forces
opposing it -- is unavoidable. But the restoration of capitalism in the socialist
countries and their degeneration into capitalist countries are certainly not unavoidable.
We can prevent the restoration of capitalism so long as there is a correct leadership and
a correct understanding of the problem, so long as we adhere to the revolutionary
Marxist-Leninist line, take the appropriate measures and wage a prolonged, unremitting
struggle. The struggle between the socialist and capitalist roads can become a driving
force for social advance.
How can the restoration of capitalism be prevented? On this question Comrade Mao
Tse-tung has formulated a set of theories and policies, after summing up the practical
experience of the dictatorship of the proletariat in China and studying the positive and
negative experience of other countries, mainly the Soviet Union, in accordance with the
basic principles of Marxism-Leninism, and has thus enriched and developed the
Marxist-Leninist theory of the dictarorship of the proletariat.
The main contents of the theories and policies advanced by Comrade Mao Tse-tung in this
connection are as follows:
FIRST, it is necessary to apply the Marxist-Leninist law of the unity of opposites to
the study of socialist society. The law of contradiction in all things, i.e., the law of
the unity of opposites, is a fundamental law of materialist dialectics. It operates
everywhere, whether in the natural world, in human society, or in the human thought.
The opposites in a contradiction both unite and struggle with each other, and it is
this that forces things to move and change. Socialist society is no exception. In
socialist society there are two kinds of social contradictions, namely, the contradictions
among the people and those between ourselves and the enemy. These two kinds of
contradictions are entirely different in their essence, and the methods for handling them
should be different, too. Their correct handling will result in the increasing
consolidation of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the further strenghtening and
development of socialist society.
Many people acknowledge the law of the unity of opposites but are unable to apply it in
studying and handling questions in socialist society. They refuse to admit that there are
contradictions in socialist society -- that there are not only contradictions between
ourselves and the enemy but also contradictions among the people -- and they do not know
how to distinguish between these two kinds of social contradictions and how to handle them
correctly, and are therefore unable to deal correctly with the question of the
dictatorship of the proletariat.
SECOND, socialist society covers a very long historical period. Classes and class
struggle continue to exist in this society, and the struggle still goes on between the
road of socialism and the road of capitalism. The socialist revolution on the economic
front (in the ownership of the means of production) is insufficient by itself and cannot
be consolidated. There must also be a thorough socialist revolution on the political and
Here a very long period of time is needed to decide "who will win" in the
struggle between socialism and capitalism. Several decades won't do it; success requires
anywhere from one to several centuries. On the question of duration, it is better to
prepare for a longer rather than a shorter period of time.
On the question of effort, it is better to regard the task as difficult rather than
easy. It will be more advantageous and less harmful to think and act in this way. Anyone
who fails to see this or to appreciate it fully will make tremendous mistakes. During the
historical period of socialism it is necessary to maintain the dictatorship of the
proletariat and carry the socialist revolution through to the end if the restoration of
capitalism is to be prevented, socialist construction carried forward and the conditions
created for the transition to communism.
THIRD, the dictatorship of the proletariat is led by the working class, with the
worker-peasant alliance as its basis. This means the exercise of dictatorship by the
working class and by the people under its leadership over the reactionary classes and
individuals and those elements who oppose socialist transformation and socialist
construction. Within the ranks of the people democratic centralism is practised. Ours is
the broadest democracy beyond the bounds of possibility for any bourgeois state.
FOURTH, in both socialist revolution and socialist construction it is necessary to
adhere to the mass line, boldly to arouse the masses and to unfold mass movements on a
large scale. The mass line of "from the masses, to the masses" is the basic line
in all the work of our Party. It is necessary to have firm confidence in the majority of
the people and, above all, in the majority of the worker-peasant masses. We must be good
at consulting the masses in our work and under no circumstances alienate ourselves from
Both commandism and the attitude of one dispensing favours have to be fought. The full
and frank expression of views and great debates are important forms of revolutionary
struggle which have been created by the people of our country in the course of their long
revolutionary fight, forms of struggle which rely on the masses for resolving
contradictions among the people and contradictions between ourselves and the enemy.
FIFTH, whether in socialist revolution or in socialist construction, it is necessary to
solve the question of whom to rely on, whom to win over and whom to oppose. The
proletariat and its vanguard must make a class analysis of socialist society, rely on the
truly dependable forces that firmly take the socialist road, win over all allies that can
be won over, and unite with the masses of the people, who constitute more than ninety-five
per cent of the population, in a common struggle against the enemies of socialism.
In the rural areas, after the collectivization of agriculture it is necessary to rely
on the poor and lower middle peasants in order to consolidate the dictatorship of the
proletariat and the worker-peasant alliance, defeat the spontaneous capitalist tendencies
and extend the policies of socialism.
SIXTH, it is necessary to conduct extensive socialist education movements repeatedly in
the cities and the countryside. In these continuous movements for educating the people we
must be good at organizing the revolutionary class forces, enhancing their class
consciousness, correctly handling contradictions among the people and uniting all those
who can be united.
In these movements it is necessary to wage a sharp, tit-for-tat struggle against the
anti-socialist, capitalist and feudal forces -- the landlords, rich peasants,
counter-revolutionaries and bourgeois rightists, and the embezzlers, grafters and
degenerates - in order to smash the attacks they unleash against socialism and to remould
the majority of them into new men.
SEVENTH, one of the basic tasks of the dictatorship of the proletariat is actively to
expand the socialist economy. It is necessary to achieve the modernization of industry,
agriculture, science and technology, and national defence step by step under the guidance
of the genaral policy of developing the national economy with agriculture as the
foundation and industry as the leading factor. On the basis of the growth of production,
it is necessary to raise the living standards of the people gradually and on a broad
EIGHTH, ownership by the whole people and collective ownership are the two forms of
socialist economy. The transition from collective ownership to ownership by the whole
people, from two kinds of ownership to a unitary ownership by the whole people, is a
rather long process. Collective ownership itself develops from lower to higher levels and
from smaller to larger scale. The people's communes which the Chinese people have created
is a suitable form of organization for the solution of the question of this transition.
NINTH, "Let a hundred flowers blossom and a hundred schools of thought
contend" is a policy for stimulating the growth of the arts and the progress of
science and for promoting a flourishing socialist culture. Education must serve
proletarian politics and must be combined with productive labour. The working people
should master knowledge and the intellectuals should become habituated to manual labour.
Among those engaged in science, culture, the arts and education, the struggle to
promote proletarian ideology and destroy bourgeois ideology is a protracted and fierce
clas struggle. It is necessary to build up a large detachment of working-class
intellectuals who serve socialism and who are both "red and expert", i.e., who
are both politically conscious and professionally competent, by means of cultural
revolution, and revolutionary practice in class struggle, the struggle for production and
TENTH, it is necessary to maintain the system of cadre participation in collective
productive labour. The cadres of our Party and state are ordinary workers and not
overlords sitting on the backs of the people. By taking part in collective productive
labour, the cadres maintain extensive, constant and close ties with the working people.
This is a major measure of fundamental importance for a socialist system; it helps to
overcome bureaucracy and to prevent revisionism and dogmatism.
ELEVENTH, the system of high salaries for a small number of people should never be
applied. The gap between the incomes of the working personell of the Party, the
government, the enterprises and the people's communes, on the one hand, and the incomes of
the mass of people, on the other, should be rationally and gradually narrowed and not
widened. All working personell must be prevented from abusing their power and enjoying
TWELFTH, it is always necessary for the people's armed forces in a socialist country to
be under the leadership of the Party of the proletariat and under the supervision of the
masses, and they must always maintain the glorious tradition of a people's army, with
unity between the army and the people and between the officers and men.
It is necessary to keep the system under which officers serve as common soldiers at
regular intervals. It is necessary to practice military democracy, political democracy and
economic democracy. Moreover, militia units should be organized and trained all over the
country, so as to make everybody a soldier. The guns must forever be in the hands of the
Party and the people and must never be allowed to become the instruments of careerists.
THIRTEENTH, the people's public security organs must always be under the leadership of
the Party of the proletariat and under the supervision of the mass of the people. In the
struggle to defend the fruits of socialism and the people's interests, the policy must be
applied of relying on the combined efforts of the broad masses and the security organs, so
that not a single bad person escapes or a single good person is wronged.
Counter-revolutionaries must be suppressed whenever found, and mistakes must be corrected
FOURTEENTH, in foreign policy, it is necessary to uphold proletarian internationalism
and oppose great-power chauvinism and national egoism. The socialist camp is the product
of the struggle of the international proletariat and working people. It belongs to the
proletariat and working people of the whole world as well as to the people of the
We must truly put into effect the fighting slogans, "Workers of all countries,
unite!" and "Workers and oppressed nations of the world, unite!", resolutly
combat the anti-Communist, anti-popular and counter-revolutionary policies of imperialism
and reaction and support the revolutionary struggles of all the oppressed classes and
Relations among socialist countries should be based on the principles of independence,
complete equality and the proletarian internationalist principle of mutual support and
mutual assistance. Every socialist country should rely mainly on itself for its
construction. If any socialist country practices national egoism in its foreign policy,
or, worse yet, eagerly works in partnership with imperialism for the partition of the
world, such conduct is degenerate and a betrayal of proletarian internationalism.
FIFTEENTH, as the vanguard of the proletariat, the Communist Party must exist as long
as the dictatorship of the proletariat exists. The Communist Party is the highest form of
organization of the proletariat. The leading role of the proletariat is realized through
the leadership of the Communist Party. The system of Party committees exercising
leadership must be put into effect in all departments.
During the period of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the proletarian party must
maintain and strenghten its close ties with the proletariat and the broad masses of the
working people, maintain and develop its vigorous revolutionary style, uphold the
principle of integrating the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete
practice of its own country, and per- sist in the struggle angainst revisionism, dogmatism
and opportunism of evry kind.
In the light of the historical lessons of the dictatorship of the proletariat Comrade
Mao Tse-tung has stated:
- Class struggle, the struggle for production and scientific experiment are the three
great revolutionary movements for building a mighty socialist country. These movements are
a sure guarantee that Communists will be free from bureaucracy and immune against
revisionism and dogmatism, and will forever remain invincible. They are a reliable
guarantee that the proletariat will be able to unite with the broad working masses and
realize a democratic dictatorship.
If, in the absence of these movements, the
landlords, rich peasants, counter-revolutionaries, bad elements and ogres of all kinds
were allowed to crawl out, while our cadres were to shut their eyes to all this and in
many cases fail even to differentiate between the enemy and ourselves but were to
collaborate with the enemy and become corrupted and demoralized, if our cadres were thus
dragged into the enemy camp or the enemy were able to sneak into our ranks, and if many of
our workers, peasants and intellectuals were left defenceless against both the soft and
the hard tactics of the enemy, then it would not take long, perhaps only several years or
a decade, or several decades at most, before a counter-revo- lutionary restoration on a
national scale inevitably occurred, the Marxist-Leninist party would inevitably become a
revisionist party or a fascist party, and the whole of China would change its colour.
[Mao Tse-tung, Note on "The Seven Well-Written Documents of the Chekiang Province
Concerning Cadres' Participation in Physical Labour", May 9, 1963.]
Comrade Mao Tse-tung has pointed out that, in order to guarantee that our Party and
country do not change their colour, we must not only have a correct line and correct
policies but must train and bring up millions of successors who will carry on the cause of
In the final analysis, the question of training successors for the revolutionary cause
of the proletariat is one of whether or not there will be people who can carry on the
Marxist-Leninist revolutionary cause started by the older generation of proleta- rian
revolutionaries, whether or not the leadership of our Party and state will remain in the
hands of proletarian revolutionaries, whether or not our descendants will continue to
march along the correct road laid down by Marxism-Leninism, or, in other words, whether or
not we can sussessfully prevent the emergence of Khrushchovite revisionism in China.
In short, it is an extremely important question, a matter of life and death for our
Party and our country. It is a question of fundamental importance to the proletarian
revolutionary cause for a hundred, athousand, nay ten thousand years. Basing themselves on
the changes in the Soviet Union, the imperialist prophets are pinning their hopes on
"peaceful evolution" on the third or forth generation of the Chinese Party. We
must shatter these imperialist prophecies. From our highest organizations down to the
grass-roots, we must everywhere give constant attention to the training and upbringing of
successors to the revolutionary cause.
What are the requirements for worthy successors to the revolutionary cause of the
They must be genuine Marxist-Leninists and not revisionists like Khrushchov wearing the
cloak of Marxism-Leninism.
They must be revolutionaries who whole-heartedly serve the majority of the people of
China and the whole world, and must not be like Khrushchov who serves both the interests
of a handful of members of the privileged bourgeois stratum in his own country and those
of foreign imperialism and reaction.
They must be proletarian statesmen capable of uniting and working together with the
overwhelming majority. Not only must they unite with those who agree with them, they must
also be good at uniting with those who disagree and even with those who formerly opposed
them and have since been proven wrong. But they must especially watch out for careerists
and conspirators like Khrushchov and prevent such bad elements from usurping the
leadership of the Party and government at any level.
They must be models in applying the Party's democratic centralism, must master the
method of leadership based on the principle of "from the masses, to the masses",
and must cultivate a democratic style and be good at listening to the masses. They must
not be despotic like Khrushchov and violate the Party's democratic centralism, make
surprise attacks on comrades or act arbitrarily and dictatorically.
They must be modest and prudent and guard against arrogance and impetuosity; they must
be imbued with the spirit of self-criticism and have the courage to correct mistakes and
shortcomings in their work. They must not cover up their errors like Khrushchov, and claim
all the credit for themselves and shift all the blame on others.
Successors to the revolutionary cause of the proletariat come forward in mass struggles
and are tempered in the great storms of revolution. It is essential to test and know
cadres and choose and train successors in the long course of mass struggle.
The above principles advanced by Comrade Mao Tse-tung are creative developments of
Marxism-Leninism, to the theoretical arsenal of which they add new weapons of decisive
importance for us in preventing the restoration of capitalism. So long as we follow these
principles, we can consolidate the dictatorship of the proletariat, ensure that our Party
and state will never change colour, successfully conduct the socialist revlution and
socialist construction, help all peoples' revolutionary movements for the overthrow of
imperialism and its lackeys, and guarantee the future transition from socialism to
* * *
Regarding the emergence of the revisionist Khrushchov clique in the Soviet Union, our
attitude as Marxist-Leninists is the same as our attitude towards any
"disturbance" -- first, we are against it; second, we are not afraid of it.
We did not wish it and are opposed to it, but since the revisionist Khrushchov clique
have already emerged, there is nothing terrifying about it, and there is no need for
alarm. The earth will continue to revolve, history will continue to move forward, the
people of the world will, as always, make revolutions, and the imperialists and their
lackeys will inevitably meet their doom.
The historic contributions of the great Soviet people will remain forever glorious;
they can never be tarnished by the revisionist Khrushchov clique's betrayal. The broad
masses of workers, peasants, revolutionary intellectuals and Communists of the Soviet
Union will eventually surmount all the obstacles in their part and march towards
The Soviet people, the people of all the socialist countries and the revolutionary
people the world over will certainly learn lessons from the revisionist Khrushchov
clique's betrayal. In the struggle against Khrushchov's revisionism, the international
communist movement has grown and will continue to grow mightier than before.
Marxist-Leninists have always had an attitude of revolutionary optimism towards the
future of the cause of the proletarian revolution. We are profoundly convinced that the
brilliant light of the dictatorship of the proletariat, of socialism and of
Marxism-Leninism will shine forth over the Soviet land. The proletariat is sure to achieve
complete and final victory on earth.
Transcribed by Rolf Martens in 1997.