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Bureaucratic socialism

By the end of the 1950s some leftist scholars in Latin America ( alongside a section of the Chinese Communist Party leaders ) characterised the Soviet Union political system as "
bureaucratic socialism" which represented the failure of the process of building socialism in that country, and leading to what them also characterised as "social imperialism". This section in my archive is dedicated to gather literature on this political phenomenon, focusing in the collapse of the socialist revolution in People's Republic of China and the USSR.
Dr. Róbinson Rojas.

Róbinson Rojas
From "China, una revolución en agonía", Martínez Roca, Barcelona, 1978
Excerpts from Una Explicacion Necesaria (English)

"...a new ruling class is dominant in the Chinese society. This new ruling class is a civil-military bureaucracy created during the process of building socialism, and it will impose its power upon the whole of society if the working class is unable to consolidate its political dominance..."

Róbinson Rojas - 1968
Prologue to "La Guardia Roja Conquista China" (English)

...This book analyses the meaning of the cultural revolution, which can be summarized as follows:

1) Politicaly, it is an attempt to get rid of that section in the Chinese society which form a new bureaucratic class, a new ruling class, whose core is constituted mainly by the high and medium rank membership of the Chinese Communist Party and the so-called "intelligentsia". The political target of the cultural revolution are the Chinese counterpart of the new ruling class dominating already societies like the ones in Soviet Union, Yugoslavia and the rest of Eastern Europe. In short, one section of the Chinese people is trying to get rid of what we call in Latin America "bureaucratic socialism".

2) Ideologicaly, the cultural revolution is an attempt to create social mechanisms able to fight and defeat those ideological manifestations that help in the creation of successors for the new bureaucratic ruling class. That is why the political struggle is currently so fierce in a wide range of places where ideas are created and developed - the literature, art, media, schools, universities and academic research centers.

Róbinson Rojas - 1979
Class Stratification in the Chinese Countryside

In this paper I will discuss social structure in rural China after 1949. Therefore, the analysis will not deal with social structure in the Chinese society as a whole. Nevertheless, as the rural sector in China accounts for about 80% of the total population, the importance of rural social stratification is self-evident.
I will focus in the organization of labour, or, the relations between labourers and means of production, and, as derived from the above, relations between direct labourers and non-labourers (if there are any).
Firstly, I will look at the material mode of production. Next, the social and economic inequalities created by that particular organization of labour, and, last but not least, the political inequalities generated by the social and economic differentials.

Róbinson Rojas - 1978
Class Analysis in Socialist China

What follows are crude notes made by me in the attempt to elaborate on social stratification, social differentiation and creation of a new ruling class in China during the period 1949-1978. Crucial to this attempt is my work with chinese scholars (all members of the Chinese communist party) during the middle sixties and middle seventies in Beijing. The latter provided the "Chinese communist" point of view about classes in "socialist China", which became the ideological justification for organizing a "revolution within the revolution" as unleashed in 1966 (the so called "cultural revolution"). (In my book "China: una revolucion en agonia"(1978) there is a fully developed analysis based on the notes you are going to read) The role of ideology as derived from the relations of production is underlined in the notes.

Róbinson Rojas - 1997
Notes on China's painful path to capitalism

Between October 1976 and late 1978 the Chinese socialist path to development was stopped and then dismantled by the counter-revolutionary members of the Communist Party who staged a coup-d'etat in late 1976 to reverse the revolutionary process evolving since 1950. This coup d'etat was the last battle in a civil war started in 1966, when the new communist ruling class in China was challenged by part of the industrial workers, students and peasants and a section of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party. Leaders of the new ruling class were Liu Shao-chi (then president of China), Chou En-lai (then Prime Minister of China), and Deng Xiaoping (then second in command in the political bureau). Between 1966 and 1976 this civil war was known as the "cultural revolution".
(See Róbinson Rojas, "La Guardia Roja Conquista China", Ediciones ML, Santiago,1968, and Róbinson Rojas, "China: una revolucion en agonia", Martinez Roca, Barcelona, 1978)

Andy Blunden - 1993
Stalinism: its origins and future
Short history of Stalinism 1917 - 1991, with an analysis of the workers bureaucracy

Literature on bureaucratic socialism
Communist Party of China
Etienne Balibar
Georgi Dimitroff
Communist Party of
the Soviet Union

Charles Bettelheim
Enver Hoxha
Party of Labor of Albania
Chang Chun-chiao
Martin Nicolaus
Chou En-lai
(Zhou Enlai)
Racism Research

Deng-Yuan Hsu and
Pao-Yu Ching

The polemic China-USSR on the international communist movement

The above-titled text is a collection of eleven documents (contents) published by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China between June 1963 and November 1964 in response to two critical letters directed at that body from the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. These documents constitute a further development in the struggle against modern revisionism initiated in the explicit critique of "Titoism" in the 1960 publication of Long Live Leninism! and extending here to the practice of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union that began to take shape at the 20th Party Congress of the C.P.S.U. in 1956. Included in the appendices to the Chinese documents are the two letters from the CPSU.

D. McNally - 1984
Socialism from Below

Socialism is a new society of freedom--or it is nothing. This is the central argument of this pamphlet. Tracing the fate of revolutionary socialism through the past 100 years, David McNally shows that there are two currents in the socialist tradition. One is "socialism from above," that of the "leave to us" reformers in the West and the anti- democratic bureaucracies of the East. Neither has brought the world any closer to socialism. The other is socialism from below, the living tradition of workers' struggle which has been hidden in the years of compromise and betrayal. With world capitalism again in deep political and economic crisis, humanity stands in desperate need of this tradition, of a transformation of the world order from below.

Róbinson Rojas - 1997
The Chinese attempt to build a socialist society

From 1950 to 1958, after reorganizing labour and ownership of land in the rural areas with the land reform and cooperativization, the Chinese communist party created two types of units of production that were going to be the foundation of their quest for building socialism:
1) in the industrial sector, what was conceptualized as "small and complete, large and complete", meaning that each enterprise, regardless of size, would produce all parts on-site, so that production could be carried on independently (this was the military side of the concept), and the political side was that "enterprise and society are closely knit", that enterprises are to serve society. Because of that, when a large enterprise was established, it had to form subsidiaries to provide nurseries, schools -from primary level to university level; hospitals, stores, and houses
The ideological tenet for the above was that units of production are social tools to give individuals a secure environment in which to work and develop as human beings -health, education, shelter, etc. At the same time, this "social units of production" were going to provide employment to every able citizen. In a nutshell, the new units of production ( in the industrialized countries' media and academy stupidly described as "state-owned enterprises" as if they were the same than in a mixed capitalist economy) were a political solution to an economic problem...

Decision concerning the great proletarian cultural revolution
(Adopted on 8 August 1966, by the CC of the CCP)

...Although the bourgeoisie has been overthrown, it is still trying to use the old ideas, culture, customs and habits of the exploiting classes to corrupt the masses, capture their minds and endeavour to stage a comeback. The proletariat must do the exact opposite: it must meet head-on every challenge of the bourgeoisie in the ideological field and use the new ideas, culture, customs and habits of the proletariat to change the mental outlook of the whole of society. At present, our objective is to struggle against and overthrow those persons in authority who are taking the capitalist road, to criticize and repudiate the reactionary bourgeois academic 'authorities' and the ideology of the bourgeoisie and all other exploiting classes and to transform education, literature and art and all other parts of the superstructure not in correspondence with the socialist economic base, so as to facilitate the consolidation and development of the socialist system.

Chang Chun-chiao - 1975
On exercising all-round dictatorship over the bourgeoisie

published in Hongqi, No. 4, 1975) ...We must be soberly aware that there is still a danger of China turning revisionist. This is not only because imperialism and social- imperialism will never give up aggression and subversion against us, not only because China's old landlords and capitalists are still around and unreconciled to their defeat, but also because new bourgeois elements are BEING ENGENDERED daily and hourly, as Lenin put it ( here Chang refers to the following passage from Lenin's "Left-Wing communism, an Infantile Disorder -April/May 1920: "The dictatorship of the proletariat is a most determined and most ruthless war waged by the new class against A MORE POWERFUL enemy, the bourgeoisie, whose resistance is increased TENFOLD by its overthrow (even if only in one country), and whose power lies not only in the strength of international capital, in the strength and durability of the international connections of the bourgeoisie, but also in the FORCE OF HABIT, in the strength of SMALL PRODUCTION. For, unfortunately, small production is still very, very widespread in the world, and small production ENGENDERS capitalism and the bourgeoisie continuously, daily, hourly, spontaneously, and on a mass scale. For all these reasons the dictatorship of the proletariat is essential".). Some comrades argue that Lenin was referring to the situation before collectivization. This is obviously incorrect.

Yao Wen-yuan - 1975
On the social basis of the Lin Piao anti-party clique
...this article was published in Hongqi, No. 3, 1975. The author was criticizing Deng Xiao-ping and the right wing of the Communist Party using the label "Lin Piao anti-Party clique". (Excerpts)

Róbinson Rojas:
Una explicacion necesaria
Róbinson Rojas (1978)
China. Una revolución en agonía

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