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The political economy of development
This academic site promotes excellence in teaching and researching economics and development, and the advancing of describing, understanding, explaining and theorizing.
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Public Action and Social Movements

Public Action and Social Movements provides basic knowledge supporting public action against free market fundamentalists who, through state, cultural, religious, racial, gender, military and economic terrorism are imposing a world system leading to the destruction of the environment both physical and human.
This section also aims to contribute to the creation of social movements for building a new world, just, fair and sustainable.
The process of globalisation managed by TRANSNATIONAL CORPORATIONS with the protection of the politicians in many governments all over the world, and the complicity of many intellectuals, scholars and university communities, is the most clear manifestation of a process of planetary destruction for the sake of making monumental profits for the few.
Public Action and Social Movements facilitates access to knowledge for globalising the movement against a  globalisation managed by the international capitalist class.
Public Action and Social Movements  link to the web sites of organizations currently leading the process of globalization of the movement against  free market fundamentalism.
Public action to globalise the movement against capitalist free market globalisation is one tool that the non-capitalist members of civil society can utilize to stop the murdering of our planet, the slaughtering of large sections of our population, and the creation of an obscene two tiers global society, with an extremely wealthy minority and a extremely poor majority.  Public action can be used to stop this process and can help to generate an alternative development agenda leading to the creation of real human societies  and not barbaric groupings ruled by free market fundamentalists or religious fundamentalists.
In September 1999 I wrote:
"The world economy began to be globalised in late XV century when Western European pillage of the rest of the world resources became the main occupation of the ruling classes from Portugal, Spain, Netherlands, Britain, and France. Genocide, slaughtering, and robbery acquired the category of heroic deeds giving to the perpetrators the right to become national heroes in their countries of origin. The heroes developed a set of colonial powers, the victims, a set of colonized societies. The world was globalised."
Aldo Ferrer (1), in 1998, stated:
... "ever since the advent of an economic order encompassing the whole planet, countries' relations with the international environment have determined their level of development. Capital formation, technological change, the distribution of resources, employment, the distribution of income and macroeconomic equilibria are, indeed, strongly influenced by relations with the international system"..."The current debate on globalisation's nature and range is nothing new. It goes back to the same historical problem of how can each country solve its development dilemma in a global world so as to avoid getting caught in a network of relations administered by the main interests and powers for their own benefit".
In the 1990s, of course, the "main interests and powers" are connected to transnational corporations and five major economic powers: United States, Japan, Germany, France and United Kingdom.  "Styles of development" in former colonies in Africa, Asia and Latin America are shaped by the "main interests and powers".
Globalisation today has a tool: structural adjustment programmes.
Globalisation today has a philosophy: deregulation of the market.
Globalisation today has a gospel: the dynamics of the unregulated capitalist market, otherwise advertised as free market.
( See, R. Rojas, Sustainable development in a globalized economy? The odds (September 1999))
Public Action and Social Movements intends to provide intellectual weapons to fight this obscene process of  capitalist globalisation.
The Róbinson Rojas Archive provides part of those intellectual weapons also. Other organizations provide most of them.

Dr. Róbinson Rojas (January 2000, the year when the murderer Augusto Pinochet was left off the hook by the British government led by Tony  Blair.)

(1) A. Ferrer, "Mercosur and Alternative World Orders", 1998

In the Belly of the Beast
A perspective on the global justice movement in the United States: its roots and emergence
Sara Burke and Claudio Puty

PART I.- The Post-World War II Golden Age of Capitalism and Crisis of the 1970s
The massive expansion in production in the US during World War II lifted the US—and global—economies out of the crisis of the Great Depression and into a "Golden Age" of expansion that lasted until the great economic crisis of the 1970s. This era gave way to the neoliberal backlash of the 1980s.
PART II.- The Neoliberal Years: [The 1980s]
The collapse of the Mexican peso in 1982—near the beginning of the era—was to the global economic order what the elections of Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher were to the global political order: the beginning of a new, conservative political hegemony that shaped the world's economic policy for the decade. Resistance to neoliberalism in Latin America.
PART III.- NAFTA and the Zapatista Uprising: [The early and mid 1990s]
The North American Free Trade Agreement [NAFTA] went into effect on January 1, 1994. The Zapatistas' autonomous revolt against NAFTA and neoliberalism that very day came to have a powerful effect on the nascent movement in the US.
PART IV.- The Anti-Capitalist Side of the Movement: [The turn of the century: 1999-2002]
Protest erupts in Seattle in 1999 as opponents of neoliberalism from around the world join American demonstrators against the World Trade Organization. The mainstream media focused on the surface: we look deeper.

Destabilizing social movements in China
Sukrit Sabhlok - April 18, 2008

An important feature of modern-day China has been the rise of civil society and political protest. Suisheng Zhao (2004) identifies three types of social movements: ethnic nationalism, liberal nationalism and state nationalism. The first two can be considered "populist", or citizen-initiated, social movements. They usually entail rebellion against the status quo and fragment the Chinese people. The last, state nationalism, takes as its primary goal the unification of the citizenry...

The Rise of Social Movements Among Migrant Workers
Uncertain strivings for autonomy

Chloé Froissart - September 2005

The reforms brought with them the Party’s retreat from certain social and economic spheres, and what was once claimed as identical interests between the Party-state, the working people and the enterprise administrators vanished. As Dorothy J. Solinger puts it in a recent paper: the three parties, “once supposed allies, have become mutually antagonistic”1. The economic reforms hence enabled the emergence of a new space where social, economic and political actors have a chance to push for their interests thanks to new conditions of bargaining as well as new alliances. According to Charles Tilly, “social movements contribute to the creation of a public space—social settings, separate both from governing institutions and from organizations devoted to production or reproduction, in which consequential deliberation over public affairs takes place—as well as sometimes contributing to transfers of power over states”2. Peasants were the first among the Chinese population to be put on the move by the economic reforms: transient, no longer belonging to rural society and lacking residency status in the urban area where they work, while more immune to social control they are also denied full citizenship rights. This situation changed in 2002-2003 when the central government, aware both of the necessity to acknowledge migrant workers’ economic contribution and afraid of growing social instability, started to call for the protection of their “legal rights”. However,...

Social unrest in China
Thomas Lum - May, 2006

In the past few years, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has experienced rising social unrest, including protests, demonstrations, picketing, and group petitioning. According to PRC official sources, “public order disturbances” have grown by nearly 50% in the past two years, from 58,000 incidents in 2003 to 87,000 in 2005. Although political observers have described social unrest among farmers and workers since the early 1990s, recent protest activities have been broader in scope, larger in average size, greater in frequency, and more brash than those of a decade ago. Fears of greater unrest have triggered debates with the Communist Party leadership about the pace of economic reforms and the proper way to respond to protesters.

Social Capital and Ordinary Social Movement in Urban China
Shi Fayong - August 2005
Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, Marriott Hotel, Loews Philadelphia Hotel, Philadelphia, PA - Aug 12, 2005

Since the 1990s, with the market-oriented economic reform and decentralization, China’s local government agencies have been more and more interest-oriented in their action. Local states, as well as some commercial organizations, often excessively exploit local resources (e.g, Lu,1999; Chen,2000), which is incompatible with citizens’ interests. Therefore, contemporary China’s citizens also often launch collective resistances to defend their interests or rights in both rural and urban China. Different from large-scale political movements such as 1989 Tiananmen Movement, these grassroots resistances are mainly directed at local authorities or enterprises, and they focus on specific economic or social problems instead of abstract political claims. However, they also impose great impacts on the grassroots governance of the party state. To understand the social and political order of contemporary China, we have to explore the mechanisms of grassroots movements.

The May 4th Movement Mao Tse-tung - May 1939

[Comrade Mao Tse-tung wrote this article for newspapers in Yenan to commemorate the twentieth anniversary of the May 4th Movement.]
The May 4th Movement twenty years ago marked a new stage in China's bourgeois-democratic revolution against imperialism and feudalism. The cultural reform movement which grew out of the May 4th Movement was only one of the manifestations of this revolution. With the growth and development of new social forces in that period, a powerful camp made its appearance in the bourgeois-democratic revolution, a camp consisting of the working class, the student masses and the new national bourgeoisie. Around the time of the May 4th Movement, hundreds of thousands of students courageously took their place in the van. In these respects the May 4th Movement went a step beyond the Revolution of 1911.

The orientation of the youth movement

May 4, 1939 -[This speech was delivered by Comrade Mao Tse-tung at a mass meeting of youth in Yenan to commemorate the twentieth anniversary of the May 4th Movement. It represented a development in his ideas on the question of the Chinese revolution.]
Today is the twentieth anniversary of the May 4th Movement, and the youth of Yenan are all gathered here for this commemoration meeting. I shall therefore take the occasion to speak on some questions concerning the orientation of the youth movement in China.

Ten Theses on Social Movements
Marta Fuentes and Andre Gunder Frank - 1988

The many social movements in the West, South and East that are now commonly called "new" are with few exceptions  new forms of social movements, which have existed through the ages. Ironically,the "classical" working class/union movements date mostly only from the last century, and they increasingly appear to be only a passing phenomenon related to the development of industrial capitalism. On the other hand, peasant, localist community, ethnic / nationalist, religious, and even feminist / womens movements have existed for centuries and even millennia in many parts of the world.Yet many of these movements are now commonly called "new", although European history records countless social movements throughout history. Examples are the....

Andre Gunder Frank - 1992
On Studying the Cycles in Social Movements

...can the cyclical pattern of social protest movements be traced to economic, demographic, generational or other factors that themselves display a recurent wave like or even cyclical pattern of growth and decline, which in turn generartes "cycles" of social protest movements? In other words, how do we explain and account for the "cycles" in and of social protest movements that we may observe?

The Missing Link – bridging between social movement theory and conflict resolution
Mikael Weissmann, University of Gothenburg
GARNET Working Paper No: 60/08 - October 2008

This paper explores what benefits the theoretical development, operationalisation and implementation of conflict resolution can get from bridging with social movement theory. Four different social movement theories are included: the political process, resource mobilisation, collective behaviour- and the new social movement approach. For conflict resolution Peter Wallensteen’s theoretical approach is used. The analysis is limited to the post-Cold War period and intrastate conflicts (civil wars and state formation conflicts). This covers 95% of all post-Cold War conflicts. Four questions are asked and answered: 1. What does the link between social movement theory and conflict resolution look like?; 2. How can social movement theory benefit the development of conflict resolution theory?; 3. How can social movement theory benefit the operationalisation of conflict resolution theory?; 4. How can social movement theory and social movements be beneficial for the implementation of conflict resolution theory (i.e. conflict resolution)? The theoretical findings are tested on one case study (East Timor). The theoretical analysis shows that there exist a link between social movement theory and conflict resolution on all levels. The case study confirms the theoretical findings.

Poverty Reduction and Policy Regimes
Social Movements and Poverty in Developing Countries
A. Bebbington - 2010

Poverty and inequality are both products and producers of the prevailing relationships of power in a society. By many definitions, social movements are understood as questioning the nature and exercise of power in society. As such they also play roles in challenging relation– ships of poverty and inequality. This paper explores some of these roles.
The paper first discusses characteristics of social movements—their motivations, emergence and strategies. Languages of justice and rights are far more prominent in social movements than are languages of poverty reduction. Movements rarely take on the mantle of “being poor” as an identity-based grievance, and few movement leaders think of themselves or their bases in this way. Indeed, many movements argue that a policy focus on poverty is depoliticizing and diverts attention from structures of inequality and exclusion.

Civil Society and Social Movements  (2000-2005)

Research within this programme aimed to improve understanding of the potential for civic action and local self-organization in different kinds of societies and political regimes around the world. This, in turn, should clarify thinking about the concept of civil society.
The need to strengthen civil society has become a truism within the development debate - something that can be stated without further analysis or discussion. But civil society is a complex of different forms of organization, developing within specific contexts. Placing too great a faith in civil society, vaguely defined, glosses over important differences between non-governmental organizations, grassroots organizations, social movements and other forms of civic action. It also ignores an array of problems inherent in local politics and social relations.
Manuel Mejido Costoya - October 2007
Programme Paper No. 30
Toward a Typology of Civil Society Actors: The Case of the Movement to Change International Trade Rules and Barriers

This paper proposes a typology of civil society actors based on organizational attributes and worldviews. It then applies the typology to the movement to change international trade rules and barriers. In so doing, it aims to contribute to current debates about the increasing autonomy and influence of civil society, and the growing diversity of civil society actors in the context of globalization.
The paper begins by sketching the current sociohistorical situation. The author argues, from a social evolution perspective, that the age of globalization is characterized by the emergence of a new social form, the “network”. This new social form is giving way to the proliferation of nonstate actors and is transforming the nature of social conflict. The author further maintains that under these conditions, civil society actors are gaining leverage, and the sphere of civil society is gaining greater autonomy and is increasingly becoming the locus of social conflict.
Against this sociohistorical context, the paper next proposes a typology of civil society actors. This typology consists of four categories:
(i) the formally structured, hierarchical and rationalized nongovernmental organizations (NGOs);
(ii) the amorphous and spontaneous, horizontal, charismatic, cathectic and increasingly reticular social movements;
(iii) the segmented, flexible, polycentric, synergistic, information-generating networks of civil society actors; and
(iv) the geographically fixed and temporally discrete, iterative, rhizomatic plateaus of civil society actors.

Jem Bendell and Annekathrin Ellersiek - 4 June 2009
Programme Paper No. 31
Noble Networks? Advocacy for Global Justice and the "Network Effect"

Civil society organizations in Western societies are widely reported to have significant political power. Policy makers increasingly emphasize the important role of such organizations as “equal players” in the political process, while outside institutional politics, civic advocacy recently regained attention through the rise of global and transnational social movements.
This paper draws attention away from individual engagement in social movements and from single non-governmental organizations (NGOs), toward inter-organizational networks of civil organizations and their role in public policy processes. Taking an inter-organizational perspective on civic advocacy, the paper starts with a theoretical reflection on two bodies of literature: social movement theory, and the literature on inter-organizational networks. The combination of insights from these two areas builds the theoretical background for analysing the “network effect” for joint advocacy by civil organizations in networks. The network effect, as discussed here, builds on a set of propositions about how organizing in networks affects the network members themselves, as well as how networks change the role of civic action in the policy process. These propositions are presented and discussed from two different angles: inside and outside networks.

James Herrick - Nov. 1995
Empowerment Practice and Social Change: The Place For New Social Movement Theory

A working draft prepared for The New Social Movement and Community Organizing Conference, University of Washington, Seattle November 1-3, 1995
In this paper we critically examine current empowerment theory and its relationship to social change, and set forth ideas for social transformation drawing on new social movement theories. The historical and current conception of empowerment practice focuses primarily on individual enlightenment and emancipation in a way that is not directly relevant to collective action and social transformation (Fay, 1987; Heller, 1990; Breton, 1994)....

Exploring the Interrelationships between Social Welfare and Social Movements: Why this matters for Social Policy

Gerry Mooney (The Open University), Jason Annetts, Alex Law and Wallace McNeish (University of Abertay Dundee)
Social Policy Association Annual Conference: ‘Learning from the Past?’
Edinburgh: June 29 -July 1 2009
Contemporary social policy has never been more vigorously contested. Issues range from single-issue campaigns over housing, social care, hospital closures through to organised movements around disability, environment, health and education. And at a global level social movements are active in contesting and shaping social policy developments. However, the historical and contemporary role played by social movements in shaping social welfare has too often been neglected in the discipline of social policy, while social movement studies needs to more thoroughly account for the process of social reform.
This paper therefore argues that there is much that social policy can learn from the insights offered by social movement theorising – and that in turn social policy can contribute to the understanding of social movement protest through its focus upon the contestations and indeed contradictions of contemporary social policy makings. Synthesising ideas and approaches from both ‘traditions’ can offer us a more developed understanding of the ways in which social policy is influenced, shaped and struggled over.
Using historical and contemporary case studies this paper critically examines the interrelationship between state welfare and social movements. Historically, social movements contributed directly to the creation of the welfare state relating through campaigns over Beveridge’s ‘five giants’ of idleness, ignorance, squalor, illness and want. But the ‘classical welfare state’ has faced contemporary challenges posed by ‘new social movements’ in relation to the family, discrimination, environment and global social justice. We conclude by reflecting on the possibilities of social welfare movement responses to the crisis of neoliberalism as a regime of class domination, drawing on recent examples of social movement protest and struggle.

People's Global Action
From the 23rd to the 26th of February of 1998, grassroots movements of all continents met in Geneva to launch a worldwide coordination network of resistance to the global market, a new alliance of struggle and solidarity called Peoples' Global Action against 'free' trade and the WTO (PGA). That was the birth of this global tool for communication and coordination for all those who fight the destruction of humanity and the planet by capitalism and build local alternatives to globalisation.
The defining documents of the PGA are its five hallmarks, its organisational principles and its manifesto.
At the conference in Bangalore, India in August 1999 the hallmarks and the organisational principles were amended to reflect discussions about clarifying differences to right-wing anti-globalizers. A new second hallmark was added.
The Hallmarks were changed at the conference in Cochabamba 2001.-------------------------
Felix Stalder (1999)
The network paradigm: Social Formations in the Age of Information

Manuel Castells’ The Information Age: Economy, Society and Culture (1996, 1997 and 1998) is unrivaled in ambition: to make sense of the global social dynamics as they arise out of a myriad of changes around the world. It is a cross-cultural analysis of the major social, economic and political transformations at the end of this century. It is presented through interrelated empirical case studies...
Centre for Civil Society
(London School of Economics)
Civil Society Working Papers

The Civil Society Working Paper (CSWP) series provides a vehicle for disseminating the recent and ongoing research efforts of researchers based at, or linked to, the Centre for Civil Society (CCS). It aims to reflect the range and diversity of theoretical and empirical work undertaken on non-governmental, voluntary, nonprofit or third sector organisations, foundation, and social enterprises - as part of wider civil society.

Editor: Professor Jude Howell 
Former Editor: Jeremy Kendall (CSWPs 1 - 21)

All CSWPs can be viewed and downloaded from this website. Printed copies of CSWPs 1 - 21 are available at £5.95.

Civil Society and Social Movements Programme
Paper Number 16 October 2005
United Nations Research Institute for Social Development
Environmental Movements, Politics and Agenda 21 in Latin America
María Pilar García-Guadilla

The scarce interest in, and the lack of support given to, Agenda 21—the official, mainstream agenda adopted at the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (Earth Summit, Rio de Janeiro, 1992)—by Latin American governments, non-governmental organization (NGOs) and social movements may be explained in part by the region’s economic, political and social crises that have defined priorities other than those stipulated in Agenda 21. The main concerns of the region over the last decade have been poverty and political stability, not sustainable development. Another obstacle for the advancement of Agenda 21 is the fact that sustainable development and participatory democracy are such broad concepts that there is no agreement on their meaning among Latin American governments, NGOs and social movements—and not even within NGOs and social movements.

From London School of Economics
Non-Governmental Public Action Programme
Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) Research Programme
Director: Professor Jude Howell
Public action by and for disadvantaged people, undertaken by non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and other non-government actors, is increasingly significant at local and international levels. This research programme will develop existing theory, generate new empirical data and develop beneficial links between researchers and users. Projects will include international comparative work and transdisciplinary research.

Marta Fuentes and Andre Gunder Frank
Ten Theses on Social Movements
March 1988 revision
This essay will develop the following theses:
1. The "new" social movements are not new, even if they have some new features; and the "classical" ones are relatively new and perhaps temporary.
2. Social movements display much variety and changeability, but have in common individual mobilization through a sense of morality and (in)justice and social power through social mobilization against deprivation and for survival and identity.
3. The strength and importance of social movements is cyclical and related to long political economic and (perhaps associated) ideological cycles. When the conditions that give rise to the movements change (through the action of the movements themselves and/or more usually due to changing circumstances), the movements tend to disappear.
4. It is important to distinguish the class composition of social movements, which are mostly middle class in the West, popular/working class in the South, and some of each in the East...

Andre Gunder Frank
On studying the Cycles in Social Movements
Paper prepared for the Conference on "Movimientos Cíclicos y Recurrencias en Política y Economía" sponsored by Fundación Pablo Iglesias, Madrid May 18-21, 1992. This paper incorporates but substantially expands on the section on cycles in our "Civil Democracy: Social Movements in Recent World History" in Transforming the Revolution:Social Movements and the World-System by S. Amin, G. Arrighi, A.G. Frank & I. Wallerstein [New York: Monthly Review Press 1991.]

Journal of World Systems Research - Volume 10
On Global Social Movements
Before and After 9/11

Throughout the history of the modern world-system, projects of globalization promoted by world elites have been met with resistance from people on the g round whose livelihoods have often been threatened. As the geographic scale of global capitalism has expanded, and its penetration into daily life has deepened, the scale and intensity of resistance to this system has grown as well. Local eff orts to protect traditional ways of life, for instance, have evolved into national campaigns for union protections and then into international movements for stronger labor, human rights, and environmental protections. Today, as global elites push for the fi nal incorporation of all regions into a single capitalist system based on neoliberal principles, they are being met by an unexpectedly resilient, far-reaching, and multi-faceted coalition of resistance. Whatever it may be called—the ‘anti-globalization movement,’ the ‘global solidarity movement,’ or the ‘globalization protest movement’—it is clear that this anti-systemic movement has emerged as an important challenger to the dominance of global capital over the contemporary world.
This special issue of the Journal of World-Systems Research is dedicated to examining the modern characteristics and prospects of this coalition of resistance to elite-driven forms of globalization. We have gathered together ten articles that explore various facets of the contemporary globalization protest movement.

From Aurora
Aurora is a journal of interviews with leading thinkers and writers. We have tried to interview those authors whose books we teach, or whose research and writing is considered important to established or emerging fields of inquiry.
Education Purposes: Copies of this journal or articles in it for which Athabasca University holds the copyright may be distributed for research or educational purposes free of charge and without permission. Aurora Staff ask only that you acknowledge the source as Athabasca University's Aurora.
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Andre Gunder Frank offers practical strategies for social and economic development. Interview by Anthony Simmons. Updated February 2002.
Paulo Freire, Brazilian popular educator whose work has influenced development workers worldwide. Interview by Carlos Torres. Updated December 1999.
Frances Fukuyama discusses his controversial idea that we have reached the end of history. Interview by Maxim Jean-Louis, 1990. Updated February 2002.
John Kenneth Galbraith, perhaps Canada's best- known intellectual export, known for his critique of orthodox economic wisdom. Interview by John Newark, 1990.
Susan George, explains why for many countries there is No Fate Wor$e Than Debt. Interview by Mike Gismondi, 1990. Updated February 2002.

Amarta Sen (1990)
Public Action to Remedy Hunger
I feel very deeply honoured by the invitation to give this lecture and also extremely privileged to have the opportunity of presenting some ideas on the role of public action in eradicating hunger in the modern world. I shall argue that systematic public action can eradicate the terrible and resilient problems of starvation and hunger in the world in which we live. But I shall also argue that for this to be secured on a lasting basis it is important to integrate the protective role of the government with the efficient functioning of other economic and social institutions - varying from trade and commerce to the news media and political parties. It is also important to see public action in a broad perspective - involving active parts played by the public itself, going well beyond state planning and governmental actions.
Social Movements and Culture
(Washington State University)
This site provides a space for the study of social movements in the U.S., including those movements as linked to transnational and global movements. Our emphasis is on recent and contemporary movements, but we also aim to provide materials on earlier movements. We seek to bring together the best insights of sociology, political science, anthropology, history, cultural studies, American studies, ethnic studies, women's studies, and other fields of social movement analysis, as well as the insights of movement activists inside and outside of academia.
AIDS Activism
American Indian
Art Activism
Asian/Pacific Am
Black Nationalism
Civil Rights
Disability Rights
Media Activism
Multi-issue Sites
Greenpeace is asking you to take part in an energy revolution. To go from a world powered by nuclear and fossil fuels to one running on renewable energy. Human caused climate change is a reality. Fortunately, there are proven energy solutions we can put to use today to provide sustainable development and energy for all. Will this energy transformation occur rapidly enough to avert the worst effects of a warming world? You will help decide the answer to that question.
New Internationalist
A communications co-operative
With over 30 years of publishing under its belt, and more than 75,000 subscribers worldwide, the New Internationalist is renowned for its radical, campaigning stance on a range of world issues, from the cynical marketing of babymilk in the Majority World to human rights in Burma.
Read more about A communications co-operative
Third World Network:
Action Alerts and Statements

OneWorld Online
('s guides aim to challenge and inform, questioning assumptions and suggesting alternatives on the subjects that really matter.

Foreign Policy IN FOCUS
Foreign Policy In Focus (FPIF) is a think tank for research, analysis, and action that brings together scholars, advocates, and activists who strive to make the United States a more responsible global partner. The International Relations Center (IRC) in Silver City, New Mexico and the Institute for Policy Studies (IPS) in Washington, DC have jointly managed FPIF since 1996.
FPIF provides timely analysis of U.S. foreign policy and international affairs and recommends policy alternatives. We believe U.S. security and world stability are best advanced through a commitment to peace, justice and environmental protection as well as economic, political, and social rights. We advocate that diplomatic solutions, global cooperation, and grassroots participation guide foreign policy.
Christian Aid
Christian Aid is an agency of the churches in the UK and Ireland. We work wherever the need is greatest – irrespective of religion or race.
Because we believe in strengthening people to find their own solutions to the problems they face, we support local organisations, which are best placed to understand local needs.
We also give help on the ground through 16 overseas offices.
We strive for a new world transformed by an end to poverty and we campaign to change the rules that keep people poor.

MandE News
Converge Programme
To enhance the capacity and effectiveness of not-for-profit, community and non-governmental organisations by facilitating the provision of premier on-line communication and publishing services, tools and resources, wherever possible free of charge
Fundación CIPAV
(Centro para la Investigación en Sistemas Sostenibles de Producción Agropecuaria)
Fundación CIPAV is a Colombian NGO founded in 1986. The projects and programs on which it focuses are alternative agricultural production systems. In these systems we promote the efficient and sustainable utilization of the available human and natural resources, which are in harmony with the environment.
We are an international development agency whose aim is to fight poverty worldwide. Formed in 1972, for over 30 years we have been growing and expanding to where we are today - helping over 13 million of the world's poorest and most disadvantaged people in 42 countries worldwide.
In all of our country programmes we work with local partners to make the most of their knowledge and experience.
From the Institute for Global Communications
Beginning in 1987, the Institute for Global Communications (IGC) played a formative role in bringing advanced communications technologies to grassroots organizations worldwide working for peace, human rights, environmental sustainability, women's rights, conflict resolution and worker rights. Our flagship global computer networks -- PeaceNet, EcoNet, WomensNet, ConflictNet, LaborNet and AntiRacismNet -- became trademark names in the struggle for democratic use of the media and the world's communications infrastructure. At its peak in 1998, IGC had over 35 full-time staff members.
Many things have changed since then. ConflictNet doesn't exist anymore. LaborNet left the IGC Networks to pursue its own mission. AntiRacismNet is the newest, thriving IGC Network pursuing a global anti-racism agenda.
IGC no longer offers Internet dial-up or mailing list services. It has formed partnerships with EarthLink and to fill the gap. IGC continues to offer web hosting services to nonprofit groups, individuals, and small companies.
Amnesty International
Amnesty International (AI) is a worldwide movement of people who campaign for internationally recognized human rights.
AI’s vision is of a world in which every person enjoys all of the human rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards.
In pursuit of this vision, AI’s mission is to undertake research and action focused on preventing and ending grave abuses of the rights to physical and mental integrity, freedom of conscience and expression, and freedom from discrimination, within the context of its work to promote all human rights.
AI is independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion. It does not support or oppose any government or political system, nor does it support or oppose the views of the victims whose rights it seeks to protect. It is concerned solely with the impartial protection of human rights.
The Carter Center
Under the leadership of former President Jimmy Carter and the Emory Carter Center Fellows, the Carter Center has earned an international reputation for bringing people and resources together to promote peace and human rights, resolve conflict, foster democracy and development, and fight hunger, poverty, and disease throughout the world. One of the ways that the Global 2000 Agriculture program developed by the Carter Center is fighting world hunger is by teaching agricultural skills in places like Zambia.
Friends of the Earth
Making life better for people by inspiring solutions to environmental problems
Rainforest Action Network
Rainforest Action Network (RAN) is made up of 36 staff members in San Francisco, CA and in Tokyo, Japan, plus thousands of volunteer scientists, teachers, parents, students and other concerned citizens around the world.  We believe that a sustainable world can be created in our lifetime, and that aggressive action must be taken immediately to leave a safe and secure world for our children.  
Dubbed “the most savvy environmental agitators in the business” by the Wall Street Journal, RAN uses hard-hitting markets campaigns to align the policies of multinational corporations with widespread public support for environmental protection. We believe that logging ancient forests for copy paper or destroying an endangered ecosystem for a week’s worth of oil is not just destructive, but outdated and unnecessary.
Project Underground
Project Underground exists as a vehicle for the environmental, human rights and indigenous rights movements to carry out focused campaigns against abusive extractive resource activity. We seek to systematically deal with the problems created by the mining and oil industries by exposing environmental and human rights abuses by the corporations involved in these sectors and by building capacity amongst communities facing mineral and energy development to achieve economic and environmental justice.
Oxfam International
United for a more equitable world
Reference desk
Survival International
Weather Forecast
Elementary Education
Pearson Education
multilingual library

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Puro Chile la memoria del pueblo
Proyecto para el Primer Siglo Popular

Director: Róbinson Rojas Sandford

Acción Global de los Pueblos
Red mexicana de acción frente al libre comercio
Del triunfalismo del fin de la historia a la reconstrucción violenta de la legitimidad
Las masivas movilizaciones y el fracaso de la reunión de la Organización Mundial de Comercio (OMC) en Seattle (Noviembre de 1999) marcan un punto central de la perdida de la legitimidad política de las instituciones al servicios del poder transnacional.  La critica y las renuncias de profesionales de esas mismas instituciones, como Ravi Kanbur, Joseph Stiglitz, y otras criticas desde los espacios académicos tradicionales como las ejercidas por Paul Krugman, Dani Rodrik, I.Chang, son parte del proceso de perdida de la legitimidad intelectual desde adentro de ese poder. El reciente triunfo de “Lula” en las elecciones brasileñas parece ser el inicio de un periodo de derrotas político electorales y rechazo al modelo neoliberal.
Porto Alegre - 31 enero 2005:
Llamamiento de los movimientos sociales a la movilización contra la guerra, el neoliberalismo, la explotación y exclusión por Otro Mundo Es Posible
Hace cuatro años el grito colectivo y global que OTRO MUNDO ES POSIBLE rompió la mentira que la dominación neoliberal es inevitable, asi como de la “normalidad” de la guerra, de la desigualdad social, del racismo, de las castas, del patriarcado, del imperialismo y de la destrucción del medio ambiente. En la medida que los pueblos se apropian de esta verdad, su fuerza se hace incontenible y se va materializando en hechos concretos de resistencia, reivindicación y propuesta. ----------------------
Secretaría Internacional de los Movimientos Sociales
Somos los movimientos sociales que luchamos en el mundo entero contra la globalización neoliberal, la guerra, el racismo, las castas, la pobreza, el fanatismo religioso, el patriarcado y toda forma de discriminación y exclusión: económica, étnica, social, política, sexual o de género. Luchamos en todo el mundo por la justicia social, por los derechos ciudadanos, la democracia participativa, los derechos universales y el derecho de los pueblos a decidir sobre su propio futuro.
Somos partidarios de la paz, de la cooperación internacional y de una sociedad sustentable que responda a las demandas de los pueblos en los campos de sus necesidades alimentarias, de vivienda, salud, educación, información, agua, energía, transporte público y derechos humanos. Somos solidarios con la lucha de las mujeres contra la violencia social y patriarcal. Apoyamos la lucha de los campesinos, trabajadores, movimientos populares urbanos y de todos aquellos amenazados por la inminencia de la pérdida de sus casas, trabajo, tierra y derechos.
Somos millones los que hemos manifestado en las calles afirmando que otro mundo es posible. Nunca fue esto mas cierto ni más urgente.

Puro Chile la mémoire du peuple
Projet pour le Premier Siècle Populaire

Editeur: Róbinson Rojas Sandford

Action Mondiale des Peuples

SURVIE: Les Dossiers noirs de la politique africaine de la France
ATTAC France (Association for the Taxation of Financial Transactions for the Benefits of Citizens)

Les mouvements sociaux, laboratoires des "autres mondes possibles"
Nous imaginons souvent, peut-être inspirés par la propre logique du système, que nous pouvons atteindre un monde différent de celui que nous supportons en cheminant vers un endroit, indéfini mais lointain, après d’épuisantes journées de marche. Je me propose de montrer comment « l’autre monde » germe, lentement, dans les relations que les secteurs populaires sont en train de tisser - du moins en Amérique latine - à l’intérieur des mouvements de résistance au modèle hégémonique.
par Raúl Zibechi
26 mars 2005
article en espagnol